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BOLSHEVISM’S 
TERRIBLE RECORD 





BOLSHEVISM’S 
TERRIBLE RECORD 


AN INDICTMENT 

By MAlTRE AUBERT 

Of the Geneva Bar 



BOSTON 

SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY 
PUBLISHERS 





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Copyright, 1925 

By small, MAYNARD & COMPANY 

(Incorporated) 



Printed in the United States of America 


THE MURRAY PRINTING COMPANY 
CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 

THE BOSTON BOOKBINDING COMFAMT 
CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 






PUBLISHER’S NOTE 


M, Th, Aubert took part in the meeting of the 
Swiss Civic Union at the time of the general strike 
in this country in 1918. The Revolution was 
loosed by the Soviet Mission at Berne. Later M. 
Aubert published a series of articles on the Civic 
Unions and was one of the fervent promoters of 
their organization in Europe. 

Requested by Captain Arcadius Polounine, ac¬ 
complice of Conradi, murderer of Worowsky, that 
he take his defense, M. Th. Aubert immediately 
accepted, the while refusing all stipend. He de¬ 
cided to take advantage of the occasion in order 
to make a case against Bolshevism before the eyes 
of the world. He gathered together an enormous 
mass of material which he studied for several 
months, completely sacrificing all his personal 
occupations. 

The prosecution began the third of November, 
1923, at Lausanne in the main room of the Casino 
in the presence of eighty Swiss journalists and 
strangers and of a numerous public. It lasted fif¬ 
teen days. On the civil side it was represented by 
four lawyers, of which one was specially sent by 
the Soviet of Moscow. Among these lawyers there 
was also the Chief of the Swiss Communist Party. 
All these lawyers, as well as a series of Bolshevist 
witnesses, have been richly paid by the Soviets. The 
defense, which spent but very little money, never- 

V 


vi 


Publishers Note 


theless succeeded in producing several eye wit¬ 
nesses of the Bolshevist atrocities in Russia, 

What the witnesses said already made a great 
stir. The remarkable speech of M, Th, Aubert 
from the point of view of documentary material 
and oratory, lasted nine hours. Nevertheless, he 
was heard in profound silence and without even 
for a moment wearying the patience of the listen¬ 
ers, He confounded his opposition, and forced the 
jury to pronounce a verdict of acquittal, which was 
equivalent under the circumstances to unqualified 
condemnation of Bolshevism, 

The fame of the case was widespread, M, Au- 
bert received from every country in the world 
hundreds of congratulatory letters. On all sides 
the text of his pleadings was requested. As soon 
as he had drawn it up, it was published in French 
by Sonor, publishers of Geneva, The edition was 
soon exhausted. Another edition was made which 
is also exhausted. The pleadings were translated 
among other languages into Russian, German and 
English (the English edition was much used dur¬ 
ing the electoral campaign), extracts appeared in 
Italian, Bulgarian, Serbian, Polish and Danish, 
The pleadings were used as ^the documentary basis 
in prosecuting Bonomini at Paris and at Copen¬ 
hagen, They were also used at Paris and at Copen¬ 
hagen in the proceedings of the Orthodox Church 
reclaimed by the Bolshevists, 


INTRODUCTION 


In November, 1923, Maitre Aubert, of the Bar 
of Geneva, defended Arcadius Polounine before 
the Criminal Court of Lausanne. Polounine was 
the self-confessed accomplice of Maurice Conradi, 
who had shot a Bolshevik emissary in Lausanne the 
previous May. The jury’s verdict was one of con¬ 
demnation of the crime, but acquittal of the accused 
on the grounds of ‘‘ irresistible impulse,” a finding 
strictly in accordance with Vaudois Law. 

Maitre Aubert’s oration, in printed form, has 
already profoundly moved Continental Europe, 
where the menace of Bolshevism is too acutely real¬ 
ized for it to form any part of so-called Party Poli¬ 
tics. The true meaning of the Horror is there 
understood. 

In these pages it is presented to the English- 
speaking readers. 

Maitre Aubert has painted, with vivid force, a 
picture of the Martyrdom of Russia, and few after 
reading it will fail to shrink from having anything 
to do with a system which makes a mockery of Re¬ 
ligion, destroys the foundation of the Home, the 
privacy of married and family life, and has done 
away with all honesty and decency in every relation 
of life. If everybody could picture himself or 
those dear to him at the mercy of the despotism 
described by Maitre Aubert, the issue of this trans¬ 
lation under the auspices of VEntente Internation¬ 
ale of Geneva will not have been made in vain. 











BOLSHEVISM’S 
TERRIBLE RECORD 







BOLSHEVISM’S 
TERRIBLE RECORD 


From Lausanne rays of truth have travelled 
across the world for the first time since this mon¬ 
strous Bolshevik regime came into existence. An 
Englishman wrote in The Times, in an article on 
Bolshevism, that “ the practice of Bolshevism is the 
best remedy against its theory.” Mr. Tchlenoff 
tells us that one must have been on the spot before 
one can speak of Bolshevism. He affirmed this, 
knowing well that we could not be there. But we 
have here Swiss citizens and foreigners who have 
been on the spot, seen the assassins. Then there 
are not only the witnesses, there are all the emo¬ 
tions, all the pain, which has been awakened here in 
Geneva and throughout Switzerland. I have re¬ 
ceived I don’t know how many letters from men 
and women ruined by Bolshevism. And do not 
forget that this regime is still on its feet. Destroy 
this regime and you will have no more Conradis. 
Punish the Lenins and Krassins and you will have 
no more need of avengers. 

Who has not often said, How is it that a Chi- 
cherin, a Krassin can come abroad, their hands 
covered with blood? How is it that the justice of 
1 


2 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


States does not prosecute these men, who are re¬ 
sponsible for the death of Swiss, French, English 
dependents? Why have you not prosecuted Mr. 
Vorowsky as an accomplice in the death of Con- 
radi’s uncle?” For I will show you that, by the 
avowal of the Bolsheviks themselves, Vorowsky 
was one of the authors, and not the least one, of 
Bolshevism. 

There is no hatred between Switzerland and 
Russia. There will never be hatred between us, 
because our compatriots who have lived in Russia 
have been well received, and we have also Russians 
in Switzerland. 

But, in consequence, we cannot love the Bolshe¬ 
viks. The moral law commands us to hate Bolshe¬ 
vism, because Bolshevism is evil personified, and it 
is to show you this that I am making every effort. 
It will be easy for me to prove it to you by the 
admissions of the Bolsheviks themselves, who rec¬ 
ognize that Bolshevism is an evil, that there is 
no noble sentiment in it. For those persons we 
cannot have any friendship. I say we make a 
difference between the Russian people and the 
Bolsheviks. 

It is true, we have been told “ But Russia today 
is no longer a country of distress and terror . . 
Possibly; then why do journalists such as The 
Times correspondent, Mr. Eaton, and Monsieur 
Berthelet, who have returned from the “ Russian 
Paradise,” tell us in their great and serious news¬ 
papers that terror still reigns in Russia, that they 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 3 

are still massacring, and that famine and misery 
are widespread? 

We have been told that calumny is rampant in 
Europe, and that Bolshevism has been painted 
black. Certainly in the Soviet Republic and in all 
the Soviet newspapers these descriptions have been 
considered as a calumny. Well, then, how is it that 
in this heavy task that I have taken upon myself 
all these past months I have been helped, not only 
by the Russian Monarchists, but also by the repre¬ 
sentatives of the Left? 

What is the importance of this? Simply this. 
It proves that from the extreme Right to the extreme 
Left everyone who is not a communist is on our 
side. Well, then, they speak to us in the name of 
Russia, of the Russian people. How many Com¬ 
munists are there in Russia? They are to the num¬ 
ber of 300,000, out of 120,000,000 inhabitants, 
and all those who could leave the Bolshevik hell, 
who are beyond its boundaries, are with us. It is, 
then, we who represent the Russian people. 

PATRIOTISM 

Now let us briefly examine a new question. It is 
that of the Bolshevik lie and the diabolical use 
made of great human sentiments. Here is the use 
made of the great human sentiment of Patriotism. 
We have been told that the Russian people were 
not with us. Stress has been laid on Russian 
Patriotism. You will allow me, however, as a man 


4 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


who likes logic and common sense, to be astonished 
to see the representative, or at any rate the member 
of a party which calls itself Communist, and of a 
group the Third International, basing his plea on 
the idea of Country,” for Bolshevism and the 
Third International are directly opposed to the 
idea of “ Country,” which they consider an idea 
nefarious to mankind. 

We have spoken of Patriotism. Let us speak of 
it a propos of Vorowsky. Vorowsky was a Pole. 
I think that is not disputed. Vorowsky, a Pole, 
has formed part of a government, or has been the 
representative of a government, which calls itself 
the Government of the Soviets, who have made war 
against Poland. With us, that is called being a 
traitor to your country. 

We find ourselves in the presence of people who 
have tortured Russia, and Vorowsky was one of 
the torturers. 


AGONY 

For five months I have studied the distress and 
agony of the Russian people. I have learned to 
know the ignominy of these butchers. To appre¬ 
ciate it one must have seen the sufferings of the 
Russian people, heard that endless moan that re¬ 
sounds from the Pacific Ocean as far as Poland, the 
moan of an enslaved and martyred people. One 
must hear the tragic appeal which reaches us 
incessantly from a country of terror and death. 
One must have a heart in one’s breast and not only 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


5 


a code! I have lived for five months in thought 
with these people. I have travelled through their 
moribund villages and their ruined countryside. I 
have been in their dungeons. I have seen the 
ditches in which they have shot their victims. I 
have seen the misery of the multitude and the 
luxury of the rulers. I have had to frequent the 
repugnant company of those rulers, to rub shoul¬ 
ders with them in Europe—these rulers who pre¬ 
tend to establish a kind of marvellous reign of the 
proletariat at home, and who have only brought 
misery to the working man—those rulers who, by 
contrast, when they come to Europe, put up at the 
big luxurious hotels. In the course of this trial I 
passed by the Hotel Cecil [where Vorowsky had 
stayed], and I saw for myself, as the proprietor 
truly said before this Court, that it was a first-class 
hotel, a palace, an “ hotel de luxe.” How is it that 
these so-called representatives of the people, these 
dictators of the proletariat, leave their people at 
home perishing from starvation, and come them¬ 
selves to feed at the abundant tables of the big 
European hotels? That can only be done by virtue 
of the Bolshevist lie, in the same way as it is by 
virtue of this lie that these people come here, claim¬ 
ing justice, exacting it even with threats and rail¬ 
ings—^justice without restriction, when at home 
they have only justice of class. Ah, that is indeed 
their system. 

A useful system! The gentlemen of Moscow can 
do as they please; they can apply justice of class 


6 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


at home, and in Europe they expect to rejoice in 
all the privileges that we have conquered, we and 
our ancestors. Justice of class! Polounine has 
been twice condemned to death by the Cheka. 

But Russia is far away, and Europe soon forgets 
in the pressure of countless events. Our ears are 
deafened by the cackling of daily worries, and with 
difficulty hear the great whisper of massacre which 
comes from the East. 

And then the Soviet Press and the organs of the 
Soviets are so clever in sowing insidious and sopo¬ 
rific information, and in drawing a veil of forget¬ 
fulness over their crimes! We no longer hear or 
listen to the wailing of expiring Russia. The 
Bolshevik leaders would like to regain the consid¬ 
eration due to decent men, and all their efforts 
tend towards securing their official recognition by 
all the civilized States, that their crimes may be 
wiped out, that they may be forgiven every¬ 
thing. 

But there is, happily, in man an indwelling jus¬ 
tice which does not cease. We have seen it, this 
justice, active during the World War. It returns 
and condemns Bolshevism, because it is the biggest 
crime in history, the most outrageous attempt at 
the assassination of a whole people. 

How is it that you have not recognized the simple 
truth, that Russia under the Soviet regime has 
returned to a primitive state? There is no longer 
there the semblance of justice, there is only brute 
force, and Europe bows before this monstrosity. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 7 

WHAT RUSSIA IS 

What souvenirs did Polounine bring to Geneva? 
The souvenir of his country’s dishonour, by the 
treachery of Lenin, the treachery of Brest-Litovsk, 
the souvenir of those horrible cruelties, of that 
misery, that terror. And his family had not been 
spared. I won’t dwell on that. Once again here 
Polounine shows himself as he is, in the purity of 
his motives, as a patriot. He has acted only for 
his country, and has sacrificed himself for her. He 
left her only when she was crucified. She is still 
on the Cross. 


WHAT RUSSIA WAS 

Let me give you a glimpse of her from the pen of 
one of her great writers: 

‘Tt was summer, at the moment of the ripening 
of the harvest, and the beginning of the anxieties 
for next year’s sowing, the end of the haymaking. 
The ears of corn, already formed but still green, 
swayed lightly in the breeze; the oats sprouted 
irregularly from the earth of the more recently 
sown fields; the wheat already covered the soil; 
and the smell of manure scattered in mounds over 
the fields mingled with the scent of the pasture 
which, studded with little bunches of wild sorrel, 
stretched like a sea. 

“ Having well roped up the cart, Ivan jumped to 
the ground, and, taking the horse, a sturdy beast, 
by the bridle, mingled with the file of wagons 


8 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


returning to the village. The young woman threw 
her rake on the load, and went with a firm step to 
join the other workers gathered in groups, follow¬ 
ing the carts. 

“ These women dressed in bright colouted skirts, 
their rakes over their shoulders, joyous and ani¬ 
mated, began to sing. One of them struck up a 
song in a rough uncultured voice, and other voices, 
young and fresh, took up the chorus.” 

That is how Tolstoi in a few admirable words 
described the Russian country on a harvest evening. 

They surely will not maintain that Tolstoi was a 
partisan of the Czarist regime? There are, how¬ 
ever, these descriptions of Czarist Russia singing in 
her brightly coloured clothes. Today, under the 
Bolshevik regime, Russia no longer sings; Russia 
weeps in her bloody rags. And one can understand 
that, as Cato of old, repeated incessantly a propos 
of Carthage, Polounine says again and again, 
prompted by his patriotism, “ Bolshevism must be 
destroyed.” And he is not alone in that opinion. 
I am not going into the highways and by-ways for 
my witnesses. There exists an English “ White 
Book,” which is of the highest interest. In it one 
reads that already, in September, 1918, the Minis¬ 
ter of Holland in Russia cabled as follows: 

“ The immediate suppression of Bolshevism is 
the biggest problem at this moment, not excepting 
the war. If Bolshevism is not exterminated imme¬ 
diately, it will under one form or another spread 
over all Europe, and the whole world. The one 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 9 

way to act, to avoid this danger, is a collective 
action by all the Powers.” 

I have quoted a minister. They will say he is a 
diplomat, a person of the old regime. But there is 
other evidence, that of Mademoiselle Odette Keun, 
who has published an interesting book on Bol¬ 
shevism, which she has learned to know against her 
will. She is a Dutch Communist. She writes: 

‘‘ I call upon the heads of European Govern¬ 
ments in the name of all the dead—in the name of 
all the living, still terrorized in Russia—to make, 
as a preliminary condition to their negotiations, the 
modification of this atrocious internal regime, 
which incarnates and which surpasses the hell 
dreamed of by the Middle Ages.” 

And I find in Le Matin of February 22, 1922, 
the impressions of a journey to Pekin, by an ex- 
Minister of the United States, Mr. Charles Crane. 
Here they are: 

‘‘ I discoursed with Russians of all categories, 
and I speak the truth in asserting that everybody— 
from the East, so deeply Russian, to the West, rich 
in a variety of naturalized races—hates the piti¬ 
able Government of the Soviets. The Russians see 
their salvation only in the death of this regime. 
Russia sovietized is at the same time a prison and a 
lunatic asylum.” 

And Sir Benjamin Robertson, who has fought 
against the famine in India, cries: 

“Justice approaches. And if we suffer in the 
West, living as spectators of this terrible spectacle, 


10 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


our sufferings ought to be considered as a feeble 
retribution for our too great tolerance towards 
Bolshevism.” 

Yes, it is the want of courage, moral and physi¬ 
cal, of Europe before Bolshevism, that, after 
Bolshevism itself, is responsible for all that has 
happened. 

Monsieur Edouard Odier, who behaved in an 
heroic manner under Bolshevism, said in his pro¬ 
test to Chicherin, September 5, 1919: 

“ Prompted solely by the dictates of Humanity,, 
the representatives of the Diplomatic Corps wish to 
express, in the name of the Governments they rep¬ 
resent, their profound indignation for the regime 
of terror established in Petrograd, in Moscow, and 
in other Russian towns, solely to gratify class 
hatred.” 


COMPARISON WITH FRENCH 
REVOLUTION 

The French Revolution has been spoken of. I 
do not admire unreservedly the French Revolution, 
but I must say that the terror of a Marat pales 
before what we have heard here. And, above all, 
the French Revolution constructed, while Bolshe¬ 
vism has destroyed. The French Revolution, pre¬ 
pared the Civil Code, created democracy, the more 
equal division of property. The French Revolu¬ 
tion knew how to organize justice, administration, 
and taxes on a popular basis, above all on the basis 
of the sovereignty of the people. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


11 


Bolshevism brought slavery to Russia, the 
French Revolution liberty to France, Bolshevism 
has brought more hate, the French Revolution, 
after some hard knocks, more fraternity among 
Frenchmen; it created a relative equality, whereas 
never has there been in Russia so much inequality 
between the rulers and the enslaved masses. In 
France the Revolution was made by Frenchmen; in 
Russia it was not made by Russians. 

There are a few Russian Bolsheviks, but there 
are many others whose origin is not at all 
certain. 

Finally, these Frenchmen—^would they have 
accepted foreign gold? Would a Danton, a Carnot 
have accepted German gold to make the revolu¬ 
tion? Would you have been able to find, among 
those inflamed personalities of the French Revolu¬ 
tion, men who would put their country up to auc¬ 
tion, as they are doing now in these shameful 
transactions between the Soviets and International 
Finance? What did the French Revolution bring 
to the world? The rights of men and of citizens, 
whereas Bolshevism has brought the Cheka and its 
horrible evils. 

What did the French Revolution bring to 
France? A division of riches always growing 
larger; Bolshevism ruin, misery, and death to 
Russia! 

What did the French Revolution bring to other 
people? Liberty; Bolshevism slavery. Think of 
Georgia! 


12 Bolshevism's Terrible Record 

THE RIGHTS OF NEUTRALS 

We have been accused of a certain violation of 
neutrality, because Polounine, a foreigner, helped 
Conradi, a Swiss citizen, to commit his act in 
Switzerland. Note, first of all, that it was force of 
circumstances which did that, and not a premedi- 
dated wish. 

Still it is necessary to examine this question. We 
must make a little examination of conscience, in 
that which concerns Bolshevism. We have a right 
of asylum. It is one of the finest Swiss institu¬ 
tions, but this right of asylum, like all rights, 
brings with it duties on the part of those who enjoy 
it, and imposes obligations on the Confederation. 
I claim that the right of asylum ought not to go so 
far as to permit a foreigner to prepare on our soil 
the ruin of other peoples. And I plead simple 
good sense, and the ideas I am going to submit to 
you are clear as water from a rock, for us Swiss. 
You know we have had a school of Bolshevism at 
Zurich. Formerly we had at Geneva a school for the 
fabrication of bombs. I don’t know if this school 
was purely Bolshevik, but the one at Zurich was. 
We have allowed in Switzerland defeatist meetings, 
organized by Lenin at Zimmerwald and at Kien- 
thal. Nearly all the big Bolshevik chiefs have 
conspired in our country, and Lenin had several 
conversations with the German Legation at Berne. 

And have we gained by all this tolerance? 

The Bolsheviks have imprisoned, tortured, 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


13 


stripped our fellow-citizens in gratitude for the 
hospitality we gave them during the years of the 
war, and today one must almost apologize to 
them, and not speak of their Government without 
obsequiousness. 

CHARACTER AND LIVES OF 
BOLSHEVIK LEADERS 

You have heard of the great love of the Bolshe¬ 
vik leaders for the people, and that they think only 
of the general good. 

Study, then, briefly the characters of some 
among them. 

First, the lord of all, Lenin. From the debut of 
his accession to power, he did not hide that he was 
attempting an experience which would not last, 
perhaps, three months, but would leave a bloody 
track. 

Lenin is of noble stock. Here is his portrait, 
such as we find it in the Bibliotheque Universelle of 
July, 1923: 

“A bald head, a large protruding forehead, blue 
eyes, a nose a little flattened, thick sensual lips, and 
a small beard. He fixes his questioner with a look, 
closing one eye, as if to make the other more scru¬ 
tinizing. He constantly laughs, a laugh that seems 
at first amiable, but that one soon judges sardonic 
and scornful, a twitching laugh. He laughs when 
he speaks of the misery of the peasants, of the 
blood spilt in a flood. He does not laugh today. 


14 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


He is a living corpse. What has he been? The 
biggest creator of evil. Lenin is the man who, since 
the world existed, has known best how to use man’s 
evil instincts, and even his better ones, to produce 
evil.” 

Lenin is extraordinarily able. Even since 1910 
he has seen how to utilize the Ochrana, the old 
Czarist police, to launch it against the Mensheviks, 
his Socialist adversaries. 

Then he took as an instrument the great German 
G.H.Q. Here is an incident which will give a 
moral tone to this personage. Professor Korotneff, 
who saved Madame Lenin from a serious illness, 
asked and obtained from the Dictator mercy for 
his innocent son. The young man was—shot. 

Lenin. Is he a doctrinaire? Is he sincere? 
Who can say? All I know is that, when he was 
still in Zurich, someone observed to him—it was in 
1916—that the revolution would cost a million 
lives. He laughed. 

Trotsky-Bronstein, the great Commander of the 
Red Army, lived in Switzerland, then in America. 
He is thin, of a Semitic type, with a broad fore¬ 
head crowned with thick black hair. A strong- 
willed physiognomy, cunning and violent, but he 
knows also fear. 

Zinovieff - A pfelbaum - Radomysslsky, the great 
orator of the Communist party. He lived in 1906 
at Berne, then at Zurich. In 1917 he left Switzer¬ 
land with Lenin. Orator, but also profiteer. He 
offered a pearl necklace of 250,000 roubles to his 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 15 

collaborator, Adelaide Hansen. He is one of the 
leaders of the Terror. 

Lounatcharsky, of noble origin, directs public 
education. He was a defeatist during the war. 
We hear him speaking of love and hate according 
to the audiences he addresses. 

Chicherin, also of noble origin, but coarse and 
profuse in insults, particularly in regard to Swit¬ 
zerland. He is the Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 

Krassin, of noble origin, was at one time a mem¬ 
ber of the old Bolshevik Central Committee which, 
sword in hand, organized the expropriations. 

Litvinoff Wallach, Also an expropriator who 
was arrested in Paris as he was negotiating bank¬ 
notes stolen from the State Treasury at Tiflis. He 
is a member of the Central Committee of the Soviet 
Red Cross. 

Rakowsky, a Bulgarian, who was a German spy 
in Roumania and the Ukraine, agent in London. 

Radek Sobelson, Austrian subject, profiteer and 
business man. In 1922 he said, he spent three mil¬ 
lion gold roubles in Egypt and Turkey on propa¬ 
ganda. But he bought at the same time English 
Industrial Shares up to a million francs. 

Where are the proletarians? Where are the 
idealists? What is there astonishing in the fact 
that financial scandals take place in this confused 
milieu? 

But they are not made public, as from May, 
1918, the Press has been muzzled. 

In 1922 at the Central Committee of the Komin- 


16 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

tern, that is, of the Third International, a propos of 
the revision of accounts. Comrade Tomsky asked, 
but did not obtain, a statement of account of the 
thirty million gold roubles that Zinovieff and 
Sadoul, an ex-captain of the French army, who 
went over to the Bolsheviks, had at their disposal. 
Next to extortion—misconduct. 

Princess Kourakine has told you how, in going 
into the offices of the Central Pan-Russian Execu¬ 
tive Committee, she was able to satisfy herself that 
it was a house of ill fame. Dzerjinsky himself, the 
austere but cruel head of the Cheka, in a speech 
made at the Central Executive Committee of the 
Russian Communist Party, in the month of August, 
1922, has related the following facts: 

On the twenty-ninth of June, the agents of the 
Gospolit of the Pretchistenski sector had their atten¬ 
tion drawn to the noise, shouting, and singing which 
proceeded from the building occupied by the 
People’s Commissary of Public Health, Dr. Sen- 
achko. The uproar was so great that a large 
crowd gathered in the street before the house. 
The head of the Poutof sector, accompanied by his 
agents, determined to enter the premises. 

He found assembled with Dr. Senachko the fol¬ 
lowing personages: The Commander-in-Chief of 
the Red Army, Kameneff; the members of the High 
Military and Revolutionary Council of the Repub¬ 
lic, Skliansky, Kassior, Podvoysky; the assistant of 
the Commissary of Popular Justice, Stoutchkta; the 
assistant of the People’s Commissary of Labour, 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 17 

Serebriakoff; the President of the Commission of 
Export of Naphtha, Smilga. When the head of the 
Poutof sector invited them to put an end to the 
disturbance, they ordered him abusively to with¬ 
draw, and when he wished to draw up an official 
report these distinguished personages fired. One 
policeman was seriously hurt. Poutof retired and 
made a report to Comrade Bieloborodoff, Dzer- 
jinsky’s assistant, who adds the following informa¬ 
tion on the lives of the above mentioned: ‘‘The 
Commander-in-Chief, Kameneff, and one of his 
collaborators made all Moscow talk of their 
unheard-of debauches in the restaurants and places 
of ill-fame.” 

Comrade Skliansky’s apartment is a gambling 
hell. 

During the months May to June, the Gospolit 
arrested for debauch and scandal in public places 
the following members of our party and the Soviet 
Government: Sorokine, nine times; Lanesky, five 
times; Radek, four times; Loganovsky, Holpkeine, 
Vychninsky, three times; Freir and Ravenief, 
twice. 

At the approach to a restaurant, a motor-car was 
stopped, in which the occupants were creating a 
disturbance. Those occupants were Comrades 
Zinovieff, Sadoul, and Mestcheriakof. There is a 
picture of the life of the Communists! 

One understands the comrades’ indulgence a 
propos of Zinovieff’s thirty million roubles. 

A French writer, M. Paris, writes: “ At this 


18 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


table of pleasure and drunkenness, to which Bol¬ 
shevism invites humanity, there are, alas, so few 
places. We see only the so-called Commissaries 
of the People and their most cunning adepts.” 

Not only debauch, but a life of luxury. 

Dzerj insky, in the speech quoted, recalls that 
another Kamenelf, alias Rosenfeld, President of 
the Moscow Soviet and member of the Central 
Executive Committee, occupies two villas, one of 
fifteen, the other of twenty rooms, where he puts 
up a number of his relations from the provinces. 
Four motors are allotted to his use. An immense 
staff is on duty in his house. The members of this 
staff are enrolled on the registers of the Committee 
of Food Control in Moscow, over which Kameneff 
presides in virtue of his office. They take advan¬ 
tage of the special rations issued to state servants. 
Several vans deliver food, wine, etc. 

They say these are false documents. 

It is not true. They are exact and authentic 
documents. But there is something else. There is 
not only the life led at Moscow by the Commis¬ 
saries of the Revolution, those huge Bolshevik 
profiteers; there is also the life led abroad by their 
Ambassadors. One can prove it. You know that 
Vorowsky did not put up at the small proletarian 
inns. And the others. At Warsaw, the Ambassa¬ 
dor, Karakhan, has five hundred couriers and serv¬ 
ants; Furstenberg-Ganetsky, Ambassador at Riga, 
586 couriers and 167 employes at the embassy. 
He has bought six villas. Giderson at Prague lives 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


19 


in a magnificent house. Litvinoff at Reval is sur¬ 
rounded by objets d^art. Krassin in London organ¬ 
ized “ Soviet House ” on a vast and rich scale. 
The embassy directed by Kapp at Berlin employs 
three hundred people. At Constantinople the 
Soviet representatives spend the money which is 
sent to buy cereals on dainty meals. And, finally, 
the twenty-seven delegates and secretaries who 
went to Genoa for the Conference, of which one 
was Vorowsky, put up, on their way to Berlin, at 
the Hotel Splendid, one of the finest palaces of 
that city. 

Vorowsky met his death in a luxurious dining 
room. 

But there is anxiety amidst all this luxury. The 
Kremlin is guarded. Under the Czars one could go 
in freely, but now one can no longer gain admit¬ 
tance without a multitude of authorizations. When 
Trotsky travels, innumerable precautions are 
taken; all the trains must be shunted on to sidings, 
so that the principal line may remain free. All 
traffic is suspended, and the stationmasters must be 
personally in their places two hours before his 
train passes. 

Before terminating this question, I would like to 
mention a little paragraph in the Daily Mail of 
November 9, 1923, in which is described, under 
the title “ Soviet Luxury,” the arrival of men and 
women in evening dress at the Soviet Embassy in 
Berlin. 

They were celebrating the anniversary of the 


20 


Bolshevism’s Terrible Record 


Revolution, while the sorrowful and needy looked 
on from the street. 

And it is foreigners who rejoice in this power 
and luxury. Out of five or six hundred Commis¬ 
saries one can count thirty Russian Slavs, the 
others are Jews, Hungarians, Letts, Poles, Armeni¬ 
ans, Germans, and Bulgarians, disguised under 
Russian names. 

Dzerjinsky, head of the Cheka, is a Pole. His 
chief assistant is also Polish, as well as Vorowsky. 
Bela Kun is Hungarian. 

I make no reflection on the people who have pro¬ 
duced these monsters. I certainly do not wish to 
lay all the misdeeds of Bolshevism at their door; 
all I want is to establish that these individuals, 
products of the lowest depth of contemporary 
society, have hurled themselves on Russia to 
exploit her. There is the history of Bolshevism; 
that is why it leads to death and misery. 

At the Cheka, it is Chinese, Lett, and Jewish 
women who form the largest part of the staff. 

Trotsky surrounds himself with a bodyguard of 
foreigners. 

In a series of articles sent to The Times, and 
which that paper published in June, 1923, one 
reads as follows—the writer was present at a 
parade of the G. P. U., the old Cheka: 

“ The troops,” he writes, “ marched, banners 
flying and with fixed bayonets. A group came 
out of the general headquarters, having at its head 
Dzerjinsky, wrapped in furs, gaunt and austere; 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


21 


Unschlicht, Latsis, Peters, Aschmarine, Felix, Kon, 
Enukidze, Eyduk—not one Russian. It would be 
difficult to say to what race they belonged.” 

Behind them spies, detectives, shadowers, secret 
agents. From No. 11 of the great Lubyanka, seat 
of the G. P. U., from the cellar where the execu¬ 
tions take place, appeared Megrim and Agrim, the 
two Lett executioners. From the Dzerjinski Club, 
next door, where the butchers go to refresh them¬ 
selves after their night’s work, come several civil¬ 
ians and women dressed as if for a wedding. 

One shudders with horror at this spectacle of a 
great people systematically seduced and enslaved 
by unknown adventurers, suddenly emerged from 
the dark depths which hide their origin. I experi¬ 
enced the same feeling when I saw charming little 
Russian children being drilled in Communism, 
atheism, and hate. 

These foreign dictators now call other foreigners 
to help in exploiting Russia and the Russian 
people. 

Rakowsky promised them in Genoa to respect 
the rights of private property and inheritance, 
which they have refused to the Russian people. 

Listen to the opinion of Rosenberg, a German 
who knows Bolshevism well: 

“ This refined system, to favour foreign races 
and people as against the Russian nation, has 
never before been brought to such a point of per¬ 
fection.” 

Remember, in bringing this chapter to a close, 


22 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


that we are in the presence of men who, not content 
to apply this system to Russia, wish to extend it 
over the whole world, and that they began with 
Switzerland in 1918. 

WHAT BOLSHEVISM IS 

Now we will inquire into what Bolshevism is, 
and first of all go rapidly through the organization 
of its power. 

Mr. Tchlenoff declared, the other day, that Bol¬ 
shevism was a revolutionary dictatorship opposed 
to democracy. 

How was this dictatorship organized? 

Simply, and at the same time in a complicated 
way. 

There are three hierarchies. 

The first is the Communist Party. 

The second is the official hierarchy, which has at 
its head the Soviet Government, and, finally, a third 
hierarchy, that of the Third International. 

But at the summit of these three pyramids you 
find the same personages. Therefore they are not 
three pyramids set up one beside the other, but 
they converge towards a centre, and at this centre 
you will find always the same great leaders. The 
extraordinary ability of this system allows the 
Dictators of Russia to keep her under their feet. 

In the beginning they established a sort of fed¬ 
eralism, which seems to have been abolished in 
1923. But we won’t complicate the question by 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


23 


examining the foundation of the constitution. 
Take then, the first pyramid, the Communist Party. 

In May, 1922, according to the Pravda, there 
were 500,000 members, and in September, 1923, 
only 375,693. But it is those men there who form 
the little group of Russia’s masters. To belong to 
the Communist Party, it is not enough to adhere to 
it and to have two Bolshevik sponsors. There is a 
period of trial to be gone through. The quality of 
the workman counts for nothing. If the Communist 
rejoices in important privileges, he is also put 
under an iron discipline. He must promise abso¬ 
lute service and fidelity to Lenin’s Government, and 
this discipline is supervised — I beg you to believe 
— with great care by the Cheka. Every year the 
Communist Party holds its sessions in the annual 
Pan-Russian Congress. It nominates a Central 
Committee, which designates a political office, a 
little office of five or six men, in which the big prin¬ 
cipals take part—Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoveiff. There 
are the Dictators who, being heads of the Com¬ 
munist Party, which they have created, have always 
imposed their will on the Central Committee, and 
through the Central Committee on the local organ¬ 
izations and individual members of the party. 

The Communist Party is the life-spring of Bol¬ 
shevism. It is master everywhere of the elections 
to the Soviets, because there is no secret ballot. 
Now it is the local Soviets which in the towns and 
country nominate the delegates to the secondary 
assemblies, which designate the members to the 


24 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Soviet Congress. There is the second, the official 
hierarchy. This Congress musters 2,000 members. 
These sessions are organized with a truly remark¬ 
able mise en scene. The hall has a red setting, red 
carpet, red tapestry, red music, red soldiers. The 
red music plays after each speech, and when a 
speaker is too long, the music plays to interrupt 
him. 

The Congress elects the Central Executive Pan- 
Russian Committee of the Dictators, where one 
finds again Lenin, Trotsky, and their colleagues, 
and which controls the executive power, the Coun¬ 
cil of the People’s Commissaries, etc. 

Finally there are the sixteen Commissaries of the 
People, over which Lenin or his intimate friends 
preside. You see here at the summit of the pyra¬ 
mids the same rulers. 

The Third International is an organization which 
really makes one with the Russian Communists, 
and which extends its ramifications over the whole 
world. 

The Third International is the exterior weapon 
of the Soviet Government, and this system is very 
convenient to them, with the same men at the head, 
as, when the Third International makes mistakes 
abroad, the Soviet Government can always say, 
“ It is not me, it is the Third International!” 
There is a Committee there also, and among the 
members of this Executive Committee we find, 
again, Lenin, Trotsky, Zinovieff, Chicherin. At the 
Congress which gathers together the representatives 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


25 


of the Communist Party, Russians and foreigners, 
Russian is the official language. Consequently a 
Hindoo, an American, or a Spaniard find it very 
puzzling to get hold of anything in the discussions, 
and everything goes as if bewitched. 

Here, again, you will find the same leaders, who 
want to beat the drum and to lead the whole world. 
This Third International must be distinguished 
from the Second, which is not such a violent Inter¬ 
national, and is an International with a social 
ideal, whereas the Third has only the ideal of con¬ 
quest and terror. The Norwegian Communist, 
Frick, has certified “ The leaders of the victorious 
Russian Soviet are the leaders of the Third Inter¬ 
national.” These statements are important, as they 
prove that the whole world is immediately inter¬ 
ested in the struggle against Bolshevism. 


MENACE TO THE WORLD 

We must recognize that we are all menaced by 
this atrocious power in Moscow, and that we have 
the right to defend ourselves. It is legitimate 
defence. 

We ourselves have already been attacked, in 
November, 1918. For months in the Ruhr, and in 
Saxony, Moscow has been at work. Moscow was 
also at work in France during the big railway 
strikes in 1920. Moscow has been at work every¬ 
where, in all the generalized strikes, which did not 


26 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


have an economic goal, but a revolutionary one. 
It is well known in Italy. 

Don’t forget that this system of the Third Inter¬ 
national of the dictatorship of the proletariat has 
just been condemned in the most solemn manner 
by the President of the French Republic. When 
they come here to assert that the dictatorship of the 
proletariat is progress, that it is the future of the 
people, that it is anything else but exploiting the 
weak, one comes into collision with the authority 
of Monsieur Millerand, who has recognized, in the 
Soviet regime, the setting up of the dictatorship of 
a class, of a handful of men who have arrogated 
to themselves the privilege to speak in its name, 
and who have not reached the summit but have 
rather fallen farther back. 

ORGANIZATION, MEANS, WAYS 

I will not take up your time with these questions 
of organization. It will be enough for me to tell 
you that the Third International has a secretariat 
for Western Europe and six centres of propaganda: 

First Centre: Parisian (France, Great Britain, 
Spain, the Low Countries, Belgium). 

Second Centre: Berlin (Germany, German Swit¬ 
zerland, and the Tyrol). 

Third Centre: Prague (Czecho-Slovakia, Poland, 
Austro-Hungary). 

Fourth Centre: Southern Europe (Italy and 
Roman-Switzerland). 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


27 


Fifth Centre: The Balkan Group. 

Sixth Centre: The Scandinavian States. 

And the funds? 

Ah, there are no funds for the famine, but for 
the Third International they can always be found. 

And so, not very long ago, the Third Interna¬ 
tional, having decided to reinforce their propa¬ 
ganda in the French and British army and navy, 
put aside for this purpose £25,000—more than 
625,000 Swiss francs. 

Why such sacrifices? 

I am going to give you the explanation of the 
enigma from the mouth of Lenin: “We run the risk 
of perishing if revolution does not break out in 
other countries with the least possible delay.” 

It is an historic remark of Lenin’s, who is a man 
intelligent enough to understand the general situa¬ 
tion. 

The method? I have shown it to you. 

Non-economic strikes, sabotage, hindrance to 
transport and supplies, economic dislocation, and 
preparation for the Terror. 

There is that infernal power of the Third Inter¬ 
national, directed by the men at Moscow, and which 
extends all over the world. 

The facts of propaganda? Here they are. 

Actions entered upon: Strikes in Sweden and in 
England (railwaymen and miners), Italy (sea¬ 
men), Germany (Communist insurrections). 

Anti-Fascism serves as a pretext to form fighting 
organizations. 


28 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


Other propaganda facts: 

November 4, 1918—One of the boxes in the lug¬ 
gage of a Soviet courier in Berlin broke open. Out 
of it fell a whole literature of propaganda destined 
for Switzerland. 

May 30, 1923—Bolshevik spy was arrested in 
Paris. 

July 21, 1923—The police of Ancona discov¬ 
ered 14 million lire inside letters, destined for Bol¬ 
shevik propaganda. 

Finland lately expelled 135 Communists, be¬ 
cause they were agitating under orders from 
Moscow. 

In September, 1923, discovery of depots of arms 
in Germany, and of a big organization and attempts 
to concentrate the Socialist and Communist ele¬ 
ments against Fascism. Dangerous Socialists were 
afterwards denounced. 

Finally, it is not only in Europe, it is in America, 
in the steel and electricity and railway strikes of 
the United States that one finds the hand of the 
Third International; it is in Japan, in China, where 
they go so far as to utilize—a remarkable thing— 
the hate of the Chinese against foreign concession¬ 
aries, so that the Soviets offer concessions to for¬ 
eigners in Russia. 

The agents of the Soviets are the agents of the 
Third International. That is why we say Vorowsky, 
in Rome, in Lausanne, in Stockholm, was an agent 
of the Third International. 

Beside this organization is the Soviet Red Cross, 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 29 

about which I should like to say a word, as it is 
also concerned with propaganda. 

The Mission of the Soviet Red Cross has been 
expelled from Poland. 

In Czecho-Slovakia the fact of the propaganda 
of the Soviet Red Cross has been established. In 
France the Soviets have twice tried to send a Red 
Cross Mission—which should wedge itself into the 
country—to Paris, and which tried to join hands 
with political men in such a way as to become in 
fact a sort of Embassy. It is a very useful way, 
only the French are past masters in the art of 
politely showing people the door. So when Ustino 
presented himself in Paris with his carefully 
picked mission for the Red Cross, the French Gov¬ 
ernment received him courteously. Zealously they 
put everything at his disposal, that he might accom¬ 
plish his task as quickly as possible, so that in 
twenty-four hours it was finished. Then they 
begged him politely to leave their territory imme¬ 
diately. 

I want also to recall the information given by 
Serge Persky on the events of November, 1918, in 
Switzerland. 

Persky has certified that he received a letter on 
the fifth of June, 1918, announcing the arrival of 
the Bersine Mission in Switzerland, and that the 
Soviets were going to take advantage of the interna¬ 
tional situation to foment disturbances in Paris, in 
Berlin, and in Switzerland; that this mission 
should, as a matter of form, liquidate pending 


30 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


aflPairs, but at bottom should be propagandist, and 
would receive ten million Swiss francs. 

The Bersine Mission installed itself at Berne, at 
the hotel of the Russian Legation, and began at 
once to work in secret, in such a way that on 
November 9, 1918, two days before the declaration 
of the general strike, the Federal Council expelled 
it because it had not kept its word, and because the 
revolutionary propaganda systematically exercised 
in Switzerland under the protection and influence 
of the Bolsheviks was developing day by day, 
extolling violence and terror. 

That is an example of typical propaganda which 
touches us closely, since it cost us the sufferings 
of the general strike of 1918. 

You will have been able to take into account how 
by its organization the Soviet power is interna¬ 
tional and menaces all civilized institutions. Con¬ 
sequently the struggle against this monstrous power 
is to the good of civilization and humanity. I want 
to examine this power in one of its aspects—its 
duplicity. 

That is already one way of cheating, employed 
by the Soviets—statistics. 

A second way is the giving of deceptive names. 
The Cheka, having inspired horror abroad, they 
have changed its name to the G.P.U. 

The Soviets abolish the death penalty, and shoot 
thousands of innocent people; but it is no longer 
the death penalty—it is the supreme condemnation. 

Bolshevism is not only an atrocious crime, but it 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


31 


is also a gigantic bluff, based on the relative inac¬ 
cessibility of Russia. 

The lie is specially employed in the big words, 
the big speeches, in their contradiction of the facts. 
On April 14, 1918, Trotsky proclaimed to the 
people: “We will create a fraternal State. That 
State is the land which Nature has given us, we will 
transform it on a reciprocal basis into a vast flour¬ 
ishing garden, and we will live, our children, and 
our great-grandchildren, as in a paradise. In old 
days they believed in a heavenly existence, but that 
was only a vague and obscure dream; we, we say, 
we are going to create that heaven by the hands of 
workmen for everybody, here below on this earth, 
until the end of the centuries.” 

That paradise, how has it been created? Those 
promises, how have they been kept? 

A report of Nansen’s will tell us: “ The famine 
extends to nineteen million individuals, of whom 
fifteen millions are condemned to die. In the 
Government of Samara two women were arrested 
who had slaughtered two old moribunds and de¬ 
voured them. In the region of Pougatchovsk they 
boil flesh from the cemeteries. In one village a 
mother divided the corpse of her daughter, dead 
from starvation, among her three surviving chil¬ 
dren. In the region of Minsk mothers kill their 
children to save them from the pangs of hunger. 
In the region of Novorossisk, Polounine’s native 
province, a mother drowned her children. In the 
Republic of Bachkirs they pick up the horses’ fresh 


32 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


dung, smoke-dry it, and eat it. In the Government 
of Simbirsk the peasants have eaten the vegetation 
of the swamps, and now they eat excrements.” 

There is that vast flourishing garden, that para¬ 
dise of the Soviets which should last till the end of 
the centuries. Ah, how right was that English jour¬ 
nalist who said that the practice of Bolshevism was 
an infallible remedy against its theory! 

Another lie of the Soviets is denounced by Mr. 
Melgounoff, a man of the Left: “ The news that 
they will be freed from the death penalty ought to 
rouse the joy of the condemned prisoners. . . . 
Such is not the case in Soviet Russia. When they 
learn that an armistice will shortly be decreed, the 
prisoners, and their relatives who are free, show 
the greatest fear. They know that, during the night 
preceding the armistice, all those hostile to the 
powers that be will be executed. 

/ was myself in prison in 1920, and I lived 
through such a night. It was appalling. In one 
of the prisons, the prisoners wrote on the wall, 
^ The night of the abolition of capital punishment 
is converted into one of blood.’ ” 

In Petrograd, during this night and the following 
ones—that is to say, after the armistice had been 
actually declared—up to four hundred people were 
shot. At SaratolF they executed fifty-two people 
under the same conditions. The cynical hypocrisy 
of the central Cheka went so far as to send, on April 
15, 1920, a circular to all the local organizations 
saying: “ In view of the abolition of the death pen- 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 33 

alty, we order you to send all prisoners, who, on 
account of their crimes, are liable to this penalty 
into the military zone, as in that zone the decree 
abolishing capital punishment is not enforced.” 

Yes, this Bolshevism has a political exterior, it 
has the appearance of a government, but it is not a 
government, it is a band of brigands and assassins; 
that is the truth. And I am not the only one to 
establish their dictatorship. We have heard Mr. 
Millerand speak of a handful of men who have 
taken the reins of government. Mr. Masaryk, 
President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, who is 
neither a retrograde nor a reactionary, affirms that 
“ The Bolshevik dictatorship is in reality a dic¬ 
tatorship of six hundred thousand Bolsheviks over 
one hundred and fifty million inhabitants. 

One cannot come to any understanding with 
these men. With them no evolution is possible, be¬ 
cause, as has been said, ‘ Those who ride on a tiger 
will never again put their feet on the ground.’ One 
must be able to transform executioners into philan¬ 
thropists, thieves into honest men, liars into truth¬ 
ful people, atheists into believers, destructors into 
organizers. They are charged with too many 
crimes to turn back. They are held by their past, 
and all the Russian public are under that press.” 

We see it applied to the workmen, and it is here 
I denounce the betrayal of Socialism. The Social¬ 
ists have been betrayed; the workmen, the prole¬ 
tariat, have been betrayed by the men of Moscow; 
and they know it well, and it is because of that 


34 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


one reads in Le Droit du Peuple, in Le Travail, 
protests against the regime of the Bolshevists, 
against their assassinations. Why is it that 
M. Vandervelde, one of the best known of the 
Socialist leaders, went to the Moscow Courts to 
defend—he could not do it for long—the Socialist- 
Revolutionaries? 

Strikes are stopped by armed force. The work¬ 
men’s conferences are dissolved by force. 

The Committee of the Poutof factory having 
once given a non-Bolshevik majority, the elections 
were cancelled. 

On March 16, 1919, Red soldiers and sailors, 
Letts and Germans, arrested three hundred work¬ 
men. 

The workmen of the Poutof factory have often 
protested, and the peasants also, against the sup¬ 
pression of all liberty. In March, 1922, the Com¬ 
munists, even, rose against this fiendish regime. 
They clamoured that the revolution had been be¬ 
trayed by its directors, and protested against the 
blood of the innocent being shed by these new 
“ bourgeois,” much more ferocious and greedy 
than the old ones. 

Yes, they are the persecutors and the exploiters 
of the workmen. 

Ah, they may well use the word ‘‘ Red ” with 
emphasis. “ Red Petrograd greets Red Moscow.” 
They may well employ, also, a whole rhetoric 
printed in enormous letters on enormous placards, 
‘‘ Peace to the villages, war on the palaces.” (We 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


35 


shall see what this peace in the village is—distrust, 
flung among the peasants.) “ Take care, Bour¬ 
geois! We are going to light a torch which will set 
fire to the world.” ‘‘ Gorge your pineapple and 
make haste to devour your partridges. Bourgeois, 
as your last days have come.” They may well 
inscribe all these mottoes on red material. Bolshe¬ 
vism is only a bloody parody of the workmen’s 
revolution. There is not a workman among the 
dictators. 

And their literature! What grandiloquence, 
and how false it sounds: “ We have inflamed the 
towns with the fire of artificial suns. We are under 
the sway of drunkenness, passionate and rebel¬ 
lious. They throw at us the cry, ‘ You are butchers 
of the beautiful.’ In the name of our future, we 
will bum Raphael.” 

Really, one asks oneself, sometimes, if one has 
to do with conscious beings or furious madmen. 

In this country existence is wholly militarized. 

Herriot recognized it himself. There is no more 
democracy, no more liberty; and Trotsky has 
declared that he thinks social development is best 
accomplished by militarism. He uttered those 
words at the Third Congress of Professional 
Unions. Those words are a paradox, showing the 
monstrousness of Bolshevism, which, so-called, 
ought to aim at the destruction of war and of the 
army. 

It has brought, on the contrary, the militarizing 
of existence. Mile. Keun tells us that, in Russia, 


36 


Bolshevism’s Terrible Record 


one no longer finds a professional conscience, indi¬ 
vidual responsibility, initiative, self-respect. 

And The Times says: ‘‘Bolshevism has made 
man into a machine without a soul, without God, 
without gratitude, without love, and if the machine 
does not work it is destroyed.” 

Yes, they have killed the body, but, what is much 
more serious, they have killed the soul. I am not 
alone in saying that those people are a people of 
slaves. Mr. Masaryk, a Socialist, the President of 
the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia, has declared that 
the Bolshevist regime is the regime of the servitude 
of workmen and bourgeois, a servitude more com¬ 
plete than under the Roman Emperors. 

The anti-slavery associations are often taken up 
with negro slavery, but they ought also to think 
sometimes of these white slaves, of these one hun¬ 
dred and fifty million Russians. Who will re-write 
the pages of Mrs. Beecher Stowe’s “ Uncle Tom’s 
Cabin ”? Whose will be the soul which will uplift 
the universal conscience against the slavery which 
reigns in Russia? 

IN RUSSIA 

We will now penetrate into this darkness, and 
Stay there until the end of my defence. It will show 
you the state of mind of those who live there. 

Mile. Keun writes: “ I had become quite indif¬ 
ferent to sleeping on the ground, eating once a day, 
with my fingers, off a piece of paper. Sheets, nap¬ 
kins, a change of linen, belonged to a world of 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


37 


dreams. If I succeeded in washing myself, all 
right; if not, it was of no importance. I did not 
reproach my vermin with their abundance, but 
their possibility of typhus. Like everyone in Rus¬ 
sia, I had returned to barbarism. Forced to live 
under such unstable conditions, men became bes- 
tialized. They have no more pity, no more cour¬ 
tesy, take no more interest in the sufferings of 
others. All the little daily details entail this 
forfeiture. A man never helps a woman to carry 
a heavy load. Each one struggles as he can, and 
sinks without his companion turning his head to 
look. No term is more sardonically inappropri¬ 
ate than the term “ tovaristch,” which means “ com¬ 
rade,” and which one is obliged to use. Life is 
made pitiless and bestial’’ 

Mile. Odette Keun has been herself a guest of 
the Soviets, not as an official, but as a prisoner. 
She concludes as follows: “ What has Bolshevism 
accomplished? Throughout the whole country 
there is a flood of hatred, hatred of the dictators 
who try to harm their adversaries rather than to 
cure their ills, and the hate of the governed, who 
suffer uselessly and hopelessly. 

Can we not say that the revolution has been 
betrayed, and that the great evening has been fol¬ 
lowed, not by a marvellous dawn, but by an atro¬ 
cious night, of which the darkness is impenetrable? 

All decency has disappeared. I have seen 
women going along the road squatting before men, 
who talked and smoked.” 


38 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

That is the state of things in Russia, such as the 
Bolshevists have made them. 

If your country was in that state, what would 
your feelings be? 

A Bolshevik that Mile. Keun met painted the 
Soviet as the guardians of justice, liberators, who 
would write a new page in history. 

‘‘ Perhaps,” writes Mile. Keun, “ but when one 
is not a Communist in Russia, I consider it is bet¬ 
ter to kill oneself.” 

Yes, because the Bolsheviks have killed in the 
Russians that which distinguishes man from the 
beast, and those who have killed that are, I repeat, 
the greatest criminals in history, and there can be 
no forgiveness for those men. Those men have no 
human soul. 

Now we see appearing, as in the fresco of Santa 
Maria Novella in Florence, that terrifying fresco 
of hell; we see little by little appear the features of 
Satan. 

Bolshevism has become the master in Russia, 
thanks to the very particular circumstances. The 
events were prepared in 1917, at a conference at 
Zurich, by the leaders—Lenin, Radek, Zinovieff, 
Lunatcharsky, Rosa Luxembourg, Flatten, and 
Grimm. They determined the line of conduct to 
be followed, and Lenin, when he heard of the 
abdication of the Czar, after having got into touch 
with the German Legation at Berne, left Switzer¬ 
land. I think that his famous sealed train might be 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 39 

compared to Pandora’s box, the Eve of Greek 
mythology. From this sealed carriage Lenin was 
let loose, and spread every evil over Russia. There 
remained only hope in the carriage; but hope did 
not enter Russia. 

What a lugubrious confirmation of the quotation 
from Dante, “Ye who enter here, leave all hope 
behind,” written by a prisoner on the walls of a 
dungeon of the Cheka. So it is well that hope 
remained in the carriage which took Lenin to his 
appalling destiny. 

Once in Russia he was very active. He knew the 
weakness of the Kerensky government, he worked 
especially (through his agents) at the demoraliza¬ 
tion of the army, and he won that auto-demobiliza¬ 
tion, that exodus from the front, of the Russian 
soldiers, who went back to their fields. These 
peasants no longer knew for whom to fight. Pol- 
ounine’s orderly said to him one day, “ When 
there was a Czar I knew what to do. But who is 
Kerensky? I don’t know him, why should I fight?” 
Lenin made diabolical use of this naivete of the 
moujiks. He said to them, “ Stop the war, go 
home, seize the land.” The generalissimo Douk- 
honine, having refused to enter upon discussions 
for an armistice, was dismissed, and a manifesto 
was sent to the army: “ The regiments at the front 
should immediately elect legal representatives to 
treat with the enemy for an armistice.” Diabolical 
cleverness. The whole Russian army no longer 
fought. It was one of the principal goals aimed at 


40 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


by Germany, at the time of her discussions with 
Lenin and his acolytes. You can well understand 
what impression this auto-demobilization, this de¬ 
composition of the army, produced on such an 
officer as Polounine. 

The Petrograd Bolshevik papers said, “ Cease 
the war, take possession of the manufactories and 
contracts.” And they promised peace, the land, 
and liberty. And then, profiting by Kerensky’s 
weak and feeble government, one fine day riots 
broke out, and Lenin took possession of the reins. 

But where did he find the funds? It takes a great 
deal of money to pay for propaganda in a country 
of one hundred and fifty million inhabitants. 

The English White Book instructs us, under the 
date of March, 1919. 

The origin of Bolshevism was German propa¬ 
ganda. A French writer, M. Paris, writes: “The 
Bolsheviks betrayed us in the middle of the war. 
They were the means of bringing to their death, in 
this way, more than five hundred thousand of our 
soldiers.” 

Eugene Mittler, another French writer, describes 
this betrayal as a stab in the back, that the privates 
in the trenches on a foggy November morning 
singularly resented. 

Herriot himself says, “ From March 16, 1917, 
the moral responsibility of the Bolsheviks loomed 
large, for, since that epoch, the newspapers have 
preached fraternization with the Germans and 
desertion.” 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


41 


That is not all. 

Listen to Ludendorff. “ Although it is only 
thanks to us that the Soviet Government exists, we 
cannot expect anything good of it. The Bolsheviks 
must recognize in us, as before, their absolute 
masters.” 

A committee in the United States, the Committee 
of Public Information, amassed seventy documents 
on the relation of the Bolshevik leaders and the 
German army. Mr. Edgard Sisson, special repre¬ 
sentative in Russia of this cgmmittee, has collected 
them. These documents are in German! 

Here is one of January 16, 1917, therefore after 
the seizure of government. 

This document is described as very secret. It 
emanates from the Commissariat of the Exterior, at 
Petrograd, and is addressed to the President of the 
People’s Council. We read in it as follows: “ In 
conformity with the decision of the conference of 
the Commissaries of the People, Comrades Lenin 
and Trotsky, Padvoisky, Dybenko, and Volardar- 
sky, we have carried out the following: 1.—In the 
archives of the Ministry of Justice, in the dossier— 
‘ Treachery ’ of Lenin, ZinovielF, Koslovsky, Kol- 
lontai, and others, we have erased the judgment of 
the Reichsbank N. 7433 of March, 1917, authoriz¬ 
ing the payment of money to Comrades Lenin, Zin- 
ovieff, Kameneff, Simensen, Koslovsky, and others 
for propaganda in Russia.” 

Here is the resume of other documents from the 
same source: 


42 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


On January 17, 1918, the German General Staff 
ordered the Bolshevik leaders to watch the relations 
between certain Bolsheviks and the German 
Socialists. 

Between the German General Staff and the 
Soviets was organized a contrivance for watching 
over all foreign embassies and military missions 
in Russia. 

On January 12, 1918, the German G.H.Q. im¬ 
posed the reelection of Trotsky, Lenin, Zinovieff, 
Kameneff, and Lunatcharsky to the Central Execu¬ 
tive Committee of the Soviets. 

On January 28, 1918, Trotsky handed Danish, 
Norwegian, Russian passports for France, Eng¬ 
land, and America to German officers. 

On January 8, 1918, the Reichsbank, on a com¬ 
munication from Stockholm, put fifty million gold 
roubles at the disposal of the Commissaries of the 
People, for the maintenance of the Red Guard. 

A new idea was to have the Italian Ambassador 
attacked in the street, delay his departure, and 
rifle his luggage. 

These seventy documents establish the relations 
of the Bolsheviks with the Disconto Gesellschaft, 
the Deutsche Bank, the Reichsbank, Messrs. War¬ 
burg, Rubenstein, Parvus (German bankers), and 
the Rhenish and Westphalien Industrial Syndi¬ 
cates. 

Finally, they tell us that the Soviets, after Brest- 
Litovsk, allowed and facilitated the transit across 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


43 


Russia of submarines destined for the Pacific 
Ocean. And this is only a thin extract from the 
seventy documents. 

The Germans had need of Lenin. 

It was necessary to relieve the congestion on the 
Eastern Front. 

It is not the only betrayal. Brest-Litovsk is the 
second. 

A Russian Socialist leader apostrophized the 
Bolsheviks a propos of this: Curse you! Like 

Judas, you have sold Russia, you have crucified 
her, and every day you enrich yourselves with what 
you have stripped from her.” 

Yes, like Judas; and we shall see when we get to 
the church that the Bolsheviks have raised a statue 
to Judas. It is true, Judas stole the common purse. 

Ah, they are betrayers; but the triumph is there. 
Lenin can say, November 8, 1917, “ Our revolu¬ 
tion will be the signal for the universal revolution,” 
and Trotsky proclaimed, “ It is the beginning of a 
new era in history.” 

Might one not more or less expect that, after this 
“ peace at any price ” of which the Civil Party has 
spoken, one would find pacifism? 

If you think so, you are mistaken. 

We will dwell for one moment on the Red Army. 
At their debut, the Bolsheviks, who had taken 
care to seize the nervous centres, from where they 
dominated the country—telegraphs, telephones, 
centres of communication, and the depots of arms 


44 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


and munitions—found themselves before an army 
which they had themselves demoralized. 

They proclaimed, first of all, voluntary service. 
Only as no one enrolled themselves, and because 
the Red Army had to be immediately recruited, 
those who did not go voluntarily were recruited by 
force. Mr. Dicker has told us the strictest disci¬ 
pline was applied to the Red Army. It is true. We 
will look at a few examples. In any case, we can 
assert that, if a man deserted, it was his family who 
were punished. 

How did they make up the regiments? 

In a tragic way, which involuntarily recalls those 
unhappy generals whose depositions we have heard 
here. 

They called to these regiments those officers who 
had remained in Russia. Those who would not 
obey were brought to heel by fear, by hunger, by 
the humiliation of their families, by the system of 
hostages, and by the indignities imposed on those 
dear to them, and those who still refused, in spite 
of this, were massacred, thrown into the rivers, into 
the sea, shot. 

Because these unfortunates were not free, their 
families were kept as hostages. A wife, a fiancee, 
children, a mother, answered for the fidelity of the 
one at the Front; it is the same today, and we 
shall see much more. We shall see by what 
abominable and satanic system of hostages and 
spies the Moscow Dictators maintain their power. 

This system of hostages is an appalling one, but, 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


45 


in spite of everything, an army recruited in this 
way cannot inspire much confidence. There must 
be something more. Where is it to be found? In 
their devotion to their country? Such a thing could 
not exist in this Red Army. Then in the Soviet 
system of guards and janissaries. 

And so we get to that which forms not the Red 
Guard, but the core of this Red Army, its most 
solid battalions—the Communists and the Interna¬ 
tional battalions of Letts and Chinese. These troops 
are better paid, better set up, and all that is asked 
of them is absolute obedience to the commands and 
the discipline of the Communists. For the rest, com¬ 
plete liberty; and you understand what that means. 
Those soldiers are privileged as regards clothes 
and food, they go to the theatre, and already 
during the six years this regime has lasted—it is a 
sad thing to say—have been formed bodies of 
young janissaries to whom is taught the profession 
of arms, with a special end in view! These indi¬ 
viduals rejoice in privileges, and have no ideal to 
pursue in life, except that of obedience to the Com¬ 
munist discipline. 

On all sides, in the barracks, on the walls of the 
dormitories, they read Communist formulas. They 
hear them from the mouths of the instructors, read 
them again in the military newspapers, and listen 
to them at the obligatory meetings. 

In July, 1922, thirty-six pupils of the military 
schools were brought before the Courts for having 
refused to follow the classes, and having asked to 


46 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


be transferred to a regiment. Five were shot for 
breaking the Red Oath. 

What is this military hierarchy? In this coun¬ 
try of the so-called government of workmen and 
peasants they have done away with generals and 
colonels, but have replaced them with commanders 
of regimental divisions. Always the twisting of 
words. Trotsky has reestablished the salute with 
the right hand, the “ attention,” and he likes a 
soldier to present himself before his superior at the 
smartest pace. 

The officers carry a sword and spurs, the soldiers 
carry a bayonet. And the order of the ‘‘ Red 
Flag ” has been created. Mr. Decker says it is 
difficult to win it. There are also troopers, the 
Corsanti, those young pupil-officers, who have var¬ 
nished boots, well-cut breeches, braid on their 
sleeves, and even gloves. They are swollen with 
all the military pride for which the extreme Left 
pretends to reproach the officers and bourgeoisie. 

Truly, was it necessary to spill so much blood, 
dig so many graves, for so little? There are even 
honorary colonels of a regiment. I thought that 
existed only under monarchies! 

The great Bolshevik leaders are honorary com¬ 
manders of regiments and divisions, and to make 
themselves popular they can, out of their own 
funds, give some material advantage to their men. 
Listen to Radek writing to Litvinoff in October, 
1922, that he had been elected honorary chief of a 
division of sharpshooters and of three military 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


47 


schools. “ Yesterday I received a delegation of 
my proteges, who brought me a long list of the 
things they wanted. I hurried to Skliansky, who 
received me, heard me, and showed me out, shout¬ 
ing with laughter, explaining that all those peti¬ 
tions from bodies of troops were nonsense, merited 
no attention; but if I wished to be popular I could 
gratify them as much as possible at my own 
expense.” 

Peace has been much spoken of, but it is forgot¬ 
ten that today Trotsky is creating, it appears, a 
large aerial fleet. It is to be called ‘‘Ultimatum,” 
and to be addressed to France and England. 

In terminating this little chapter on the Red 
Army I want to say a word on the special troops 
composed of the faithful. 

In the Air Force, the tanks, the armoured cars, 
the troops are composed of pure Communists, 
whose fidelity is unshakable. The Chon troops 
guard the Kremlin, the Cheka at the Lubianka, and 
are concentrated at strategic points in Moscow. 
On the roofs of the capitol, sentinels are constantly 
on the look-out. Nests of machine guns are placed 
in the angles of houses dominating the streets. All 
these posts are connected by telephone in the most 
perfect manner. A budding riot would be imme¬ 
diately quelled by a hail of bullets. Great care 
has been taken day and night to guard the muni¬ 
tion factories, telegraphs, and depots of artillery. 
No Government has probably made such a scientific 
study of the suppression of street rioting, and the 


48 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


rules of war of the Red Army contain a chapter on 
‘‘ War in the Interior of the Country,” and another 
entitled ‘‘ Street Fighting.” 

Sweet country of liberty! 

And if that was all! But this army is also an 
army of conquest, which has marched against 
Poland and invaded Georgia. It is astonishing that 
Russia, which is under the heel, which is militar¬ 
ized, no longer knows the meaning of liberty, lib¬ 
erty of speech, liberty of the Press, liberty of 
thought. All that has disappeared. 

It was easy to suppress the liberty of the Press. 
From the commencement the Bolshevik Govern¬ 
ment seized all the printing offices and all the 
paper. As the frontier is guarded, there was no 
way of competing with them. 

Clandestine printing offices, which have sprung 
up, were able to distribute one or two newspapers 
here and there. Proceedings were immediately 
taken against them with the utmost vigour, princi¬ 
pally against the Liberal and Social Revolutionary 
Press, which was the object, either from the point 
of view of the newspaper, or from the point of view 
of the editor, of the severest and most serious mea¬ 
sures on the part of the Bolshevist regime. 

The English White Book points out the suppres¬ 
sion from the debut of Bolshevism, of liberty of 
speech and liberty of the Press, and adds that the 
Socialist Press suffered the most. Their editors 
were thrown into prison. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 49 

Nor is there liberty at the polls, as there is no 
secret ballot. 

As I said, it is the Communist Party that controls 
the elections from one end to the other of the 
Soviet hierarchy. 

How do they do this? 

Mile. Keun relates that she was present at a doc¬ 
tors’ ballot, to appoint a delegate to one of the 
innumerable Soviets. Here is her account. The 
President, who was big and fat, shook his fist: 
“ You are all counter-revolutionaries, and I will 
crush you all physically.” 

Silence. 

“ Who is for the bourgeois regime?” (No one 
moved.) 

‘‘ Who is for the proletariat dictatorship?” 
(Everyone got up.) 

“ Since you are all of the party, have confidence 
in me, and vote for the candidates I recommend.” 
(Everyone voted.) 

A young woman doctor protested against the 
validity of the election. Two Chekists carried her 
off. 

Don’t throw stones at this assembly. Remember 
the Terror! 

So at every stage, no liberty at the polls. 

Liberty of reunion? Of association? None. 

The associations have to give the names of all 
their members. The Soviets wish to know them, 
and a representative of the Cheka is always free to 


50 Bolshevism's Terrible Record 

intervene and be present at every reunion. 

Under these conditions how can any political 
influence be exercised to change the destiny of the 
country? I come back here to what I said just 
now; no modification is possible, no renovation of 
this regime is admissible, because one is in the 
position of riding on a tiger and being no longer 
able to get down from one’s seat. 

Boukharine, one of the theorists of Bolshevism, 
exposes its principles: “ When it is a question of 
the Press, we ask, first, which Press is spoken of, 
bourgeois or labour? Wlien it is a question of a 
meeting, we ask which meeting is meant? Bour¬ 
geois or labour?” 

If we asked here, when a meeting is in question, 
what meeting is referred to, we should have 
a certain number of protests from the Socialist 
Party. 

Mr. Herriot, speaking of the liberty of thought, 
reports: “ On August 29, 1922, the Soviet at 
Petrograd approved of the incarceration and exile 
to Germany of thirty-four intellectuals, professors, 
journalists, doctors, accused of trying to discredit 
the Soviet Government, and arrested during the 
night of August 16, 1917, at Moscow, Petrograd, 
Odessa, Kharkof.” 

These thirty-four distinguished personages were 
expelled and exiled; they were given seven days to 
leave, after which they would be shot. 

Liberty of thought! At the time of the Social¬ 
ists’ trial in 1922, fifteen were sentenced to death 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 51 

and sixteen condemned to imprisonment from two 
to ten years. 

And a mathematical professor must submit his 
lecture to the censor! 

Individual liberty! You have heard the wit¬ 
nesses speak of it. You think you are at home? 
No, not the least in the world. Some person intro¬ 
duces himself into your house, proceeds to make 
perquisitions, and you have not even the right to 
ask if he is authorized to make these perquisitions. 
If you wish to put up a relation or change your 
lodging, you must obtain an authorization. All 
over the country the power of the Dictators has be¬ 
come such that Trotsky was able to write in a 
pamphlet, “The October Revolution”: 

“ We are now so powerful that if we published 
tomorrow a decree advising the masculine popula¬ 
tion of Petrograd to present itself, on a certain day, 
at a certain time, to receive publicly twenty-five 
strokes from a rod; 75 per cent would immediately 
present themselves and form a queue, whereas the 
25 per cent more intelligent would think of provid¬ 
ing themselves with a doctor’s certificate exempting 
them from this civic duty.” 

When one reads this from the pen of that sorry 
lord, who has dared to say that he was the friend 
of the Russian people; when one has heard those 
words pronounced by a Bolshevik who has dared to 
lay claim to patriotism, one feels a fierce disgust, 
and one feels boiling in oneself that power of revolt 
which guided Conradi’s arm. 


52 


Bolshevism''s Terrible Record 


The guarantees of penal law! 

I won’t give you the translation of the texts. It 
would take too long. It will be enough for me to 
say that they are of such a nature that the Com¬ 
missariat of Justice is at liberty to augment or 
diminish a penalty pronounced by the Courts, that 
he can annul the judgments, that the judges judge 
according to their judicial revolutionary convic¬ 
tion, and that their judgments must conform to the 
interests of the proletarian revolution. 

In this immense country, what has been the fate 
of Society in general? 

The Intellectuals! We have just seen what has 
been the liberty of thought and of the Press. This 
will already show us their fate, and to what sordid 
slavery this fine Russian intelligenzia has been 
reduced, to obtain its equally sordid daily bread. 
An intelligenzia which conceived ideas often mag¬ 
nificent, though perhaps sometimes inclined to 
leave this earth and soar among the clouds, but in 
which must be recognized great intellectual nobil¬ 
ity, and which was recruited from an aristocratic 
or democratic milieu. 

There were scholars, men of letters, musicians, 
and painters in Russia who were an honour to that 
great country. 

All this elite^ those who have survived the mas¬ 
sacres and the famine, cannot even find solitude; 
it is forbidden, and it is impossible to live except in 
slavery, because if one does not consent to be a 
slave one cannot eat. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


53 


Doctors! How many have been imprisoned and 
shot, because they were bourgeois, while epidemics 
were ravaging the country? 

The Soviet constitution declares, “ The goal of 
the Soviets is to crush the bourgeois.” Conse¬ 
quently, if you are a doctor or a magistrate, you 
will be crushed, because you are useful to Society. 

The bourgeois! 

The bourgeois were the first to be executed and 
the last to receive food distribution. In Petrograd, 
from two million and a half inhabitants the popula¬ 
tion has been reduced to 900,000. One of the wit¬ 
nesses has told you this. 

As everything has been nationalized, all these 
intellectuals, merchants, engineers, architects, all 
those professions which go to make up the life and 
prosperity of a country, all have disappeared or 
become miserable clerks in those formidable ad¬ 
ministrations, where one must stand in a queue for 
hours and hours to get a box of matches. 

The workmen! 

One would think in this country of the dictator¬ 
ship of workmen and peasants that they would be 
happy. 

The workmen! What have they gained under 
Sovietism? One thing. Slavery in the factories. 
The misery in the towns and the cessation of 
production have brought the return of the work¬ 
men to the fields in fantastic proportions; there¬ 
fore, those who have stayed have been riveted to 
the factories and cannot change without permission. 


54 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


We shall see in a moment what are their salaries 
and what profit the proletarian class have got out 
of this revolution, supposed to have been made in 
its name. 

But the disciplinary regime of those workmen, 
what is it? Unpunctuality, absence from work, is 
punished by forced labour or corporal punishment. 
They are sent to concentration camps, as, for 
example, the camp at Archangel, where they liter¬ 
ally die of cold. 

And the eight-hour day? It is one of twelve 
hours, which is enforced with barely a living wage. 
Everyone works badly; the direction is bad, for it 
is the cult of incompetence. 

Salaries! Two kinds of salary are given to the 
workmen, salary in money, let us say in paper, and 
the payok,” which is a ration rarely paid in full. 

Herriot quotes the figures of salaries, in kind 
and in paper, reached in 1922: “ At the Dynamos 
Association, of course nationalized, the value of 
140 to 300 French francs (from £2 to £3 10s.) at 
the Poutilof factory 65 to 500 French francs 
(about 18s. 6d. to £6), a month, of course. It is 
one-third of pre-war salaries, and it is not always 
paid.” 

Truly, this is an admirable result of the prole¬ 
tarian revolution. 

They have divided the workmen and employees 
into seventeen categories. 

Beautiful reign of equality, which has led to the 
division of the working population itself into seven- 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


55 


teen classes, when it was said they wished to sup¬ 
press all classes! 

An employee of the ninth category has a salary 
equivalent to 300 French francs; that is to say, a 
little more than £3. In contrast, the Commissaries 
are in the most favoured category. 

M. Herriot describes as follows the budget of a 
workman of an electric light factory. Salary, 120 
French francs (a little under £2), 60,000,000 
roubles, plus 32 kilos of flour, 1,200 grammes of 
meat, 1,200 grammes of fish, and half a pound of 
sugar a month. No butter, no salt. 

Expenses: Lodging, 18,000,000; heating, several 
millions; lighting, several millions; trams, 200,000 
roubles each fare. 

Mile. Keun relates the following facts: 

We were incessantly meeting groups of work¬ 
men who approached us. 

“ ‘ Where are you from?’ 

“ ‘ From the Donetz Basin.’ 

‘‘ ‘ But why did you forsake it? Your country is 
crying out for coal.’ 

“ ‘ Why did I forsake it?’ answered one of the 
workmen. ‘ You see my arm? I need a pound of 
bread a day to stop its trembling when I play cards. 
I must have five pounds of bread and meat to work 
eight hours a day at pumping out the water which 
floods the pits. And, pray, who will give them to 
me?’ 

“ ‘ Then where are you going?’ 

“ ‘ To the village.’ 


56 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


‘‘ To the village has become the word of com¬ 
mand of the workmen.” 

She relates again: “ Truly a workman said to 
us, ‘ I don’t know what this revolution has done for 
us. Before, I bought my meat in a shop, it was 
wrapped in a paper for me, and I ate it without 
fear of cholera. Today it costs me a hundred thou¬ 
sand times more, and I pick it out of the mud, 
dirtied by flies.” 

The Dutch Communist states that the working 
class is disappearing, that it is kept under very 
severe discipline, that it has neither the eight-hour 
day nor the right to strike, that it is appallingly 
fed, appallingly paid, and subjected to real slavery. 

The workmen escape from the towns to go to the 
country, and the Government punishes them. If 
their work is mediocre, they are thrown into prison. 
The ninth Congress of the Communist Party 
approved the decision of the Central Committee to 
mobilize the industrial proletariat, to make work 
obligatory, and to militarize production. 

There is the condition of the working classes, 
and one can understand the protests, the strikes, 
stifled in blood. 

At Ekaterinburg, the workmen having refused to 
support the local Soviets, many were arrested. 
Twelve were suffocated in a gasometer. 

On the advance of Judenitch, the workmen of the 
Poutilof factory at Petrograd wanted to support 
him. Chinese and Lett troops executed 800. 

And the Unemployed! 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


57 


On January 13, 1921, Dzerjinsky discharged 
340,000 railway men and dock labourers, and 
there is no way of protesting. It means shooting. 

Thus the working class is disappearing in Russia 
in misery. Under the Czarist regime, they were 
obviously not very happy, but they rejoiced in a 
certain protection, in imitation of the German 
Socialist Laws. Progress was thought of. Today, 
as M. Millerand said, “ What a jump back!” 

The peasants! 

We will speak of them when we inquire into the 
agricultural conditions. All we can say now is, 
there have been hundreds and hundreds of peasant 
revolts against the Bolshevist regime. All have 
been drowned in blood. These revolts were due to 
what? To requisitions, to excessive confiscation of 
the harvest, to enforced recruiting. The unhappy 
peasants, incapable of defending themselves 
against the machine guns of the troops of the 
Cheka, died by thousands, and finally were obliged 
to obey. The measures taken were terrible. 

A Soviet decree qualified the rebels as bandits. 
All those who refused to give their names were 
killed. 

In the villages, where the Bolsheviks discovered 
arms, they took hostages, and shot them if more 
arms were found. 

That is not all; the worst is this: 

They sowed hate and distrust among the inhabi¬ 
tants of the villages. 

Sverdlov, President of the Central Executive 


58 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Committee of the Soviets, has proclaimed it: ‘‘ It 
is only in the case of our succeeding in dividing the 
village into two camps of mortal enmity and to 
declare on the villages the same civil war as on the 
towns, in firing the rich peasants against the poorer 
ones, that we shall be able to say that we have 
realized in the villages what has been done in the 
towns.” 

That is how the Bolsheviks work, while repeating 
that they base their politics on fraternity. What 
cynicism! To accomplish in the villages what has 
been done in the towns; that is to say, to sow sus¬ 
picion, hatred, distrust, among everybody! 

The Bolsheviks have provided rifles and machine 
guns for the poorest peasants, to exercise a local 
dictatorship. But they have chosen those ‘‘poorest 
peasants ” among the indolent, the drunkards, and 
the ex-convicts. 

Before the incessant revolts that broke out—that 
of Antonoff necessitated the dispatch of 60,000 
“ Red ” soldiers—and to be able to quell resistance 
more easily, the Soviet Government created the 
system of “ responsible guarantors.” There is one 
for every forty or fifty houses. 

This “ responsible guarantor ” must register, 
watch, control the population. He is a hostage. 
And why this institution? It is easy enough to 
understand. 

They are afraid of the peasant, because the peas¬ 
ant little by little, will lift this appalling mantle 
which stifles him, and stifles the whole country. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 59 

AGRICULTURAL, COMMERCIAL, AND 
INDUSTRIAL SITUATION 

We have seen that the Dictatorship has sup¬ 
pressed all liberty in Russia. Has the suppression 
of this liberty brought, at least, a little more ease, 
a little more prosperity, to the Russian people? 

We have had a glimpse of the present state of 
things and can testify to the contrary. But I want, 
all the same, to point out to you as rapidly as pos¬ 
sible, the Agricultural, Commercial, and Industrial 
situation as it is today, and as it has been these last 
years under the Bolshevist regime. 

The Pravda of July 13, 1921, publishes: ‘‘ It 
is possible we may go, but we shall not do so with¬ 
out dragging out all the Past by the roots. Those 
who succeed us will have to build on ruins, and in 
the midst of a cemetery.” 

The Pravda spoke truly. Its language was 
prophetic. Unhappily, cemeteries and ruins make 
up the Russia of today. 

When the Bolsheviks took over the reins they be¬ 
came masters of enormous stocks of cereals, naph¬ 
tha, coal, metal, wood, textures, and immense war 
supplies. Milliards in gold. And today? 

At the Twelfth Congress of the Communist Party 
in 1923, Krassin was obliged to admit that the 
Communist regime lost eight milliards of gold 
roubles to Russia every year! Before, under the 
old regime, which I do not want to defend, the 
moujik had, anyhow, sufficient to live on from the 
material point of view. 


60 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

NATIONALIZATION 

Lenin thought that a few big words and speeches 
were enough. He forgot one thing—that it is 
intelligence, energy, which prompts man to work, 
not pure egoism alone, but for those belonging to 
him, for his family, for those who come after him, 
and that that is the only work which leads humanity 
to prosperity. 

Why? Because it is just that man should reap 
the reward of his efforts. 

Lenin has adopted a bubble theory—a theory, 
admirable, perhaps, in the spirit, but deadly in the 
letter, and which, at all events, kills by its 
application. 

In spite of the war Russia could have made a 
rapid recovery. She possessed a magnificent area 
for agriculture, rich mines, great fishing rivers. 
She had the sea at hand, and an industrious popu¬ 
lation. 

This recovery has not taken place. Death and 
misery reign instead, on account of nationalization, 
which has sown disorganization. Trade has been 
killed, because there is no longer any exchange, 
and because the State has divided up all wealth, 
and this for three years and a half. Three years 
and a half of destruction, of disorganization, dur¬ 
ing which the reserves have been devoured, and 
the public budget has been only a budget of 
expenditure. 

Consumption without production, that is the 
characteristic of the Bolshevik regime. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


61 


But think for a moment of the consequences of 
such a regime. It is death. 

As is also the creation of Trusts, of big societies 
on the capitalist plan, in which foreign financiers 
and certain dictators of the Soviet Government are 
interested. 

Apart from a few branches of private trade, the 
Soviet Government desires to keep the direction of 
the more important branches of industry and trans¬ 
port in its own hands. 

We shall see what that means; but I would like, 
first of all, to observe how far Bolshevism was sin¬ 
cere when it bowed to facts, and when it reopened 
the door to a certain extent to private trade. 

Zinovieff has said: “ The Komintem has adopted 
this compromise against its will, being certain that 
it is only a provisional measure; it is a thought-out 
tactical step, which ought to assure us some stay 
for the new assault, which we shall make on 
capitalism.” 

And Radek proclaims, ‘‘ The concessions which 
the Soviet Government actually make to the West¬ 
ern capitalist Governments are by no means con¬ 
trary to Communist principles. They are a bridge 
thrown between the Russian proletariat and the for¬ 
eign proletariat, under the eyes of the directors of 
European Capitalism.” 

We are in the presence of a huge hoax; but, by 
Heaven, so much the worse for those who let them¬ 
selves be taken in by these assassins. 

They ought to have been warned by five years 


62 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


of this regime. So much the worse for the im¬ 
postors, who try to make money out of the agony of 
Russia. 

I will go rapidly over the results of nationalized 
industry. 

It will be enough for me to say that during the 
first nine months of 1922 there was a deficit of 
100,000,000 gold roubles. Industry has worked at 
a loss, and naturally the Government is obliged to 
consent to enormous sacrifices to make up the 
deficit. Yes, the Soviets have kept the heights, 
which dominate Industry and Trade, but at what 
a cost! Before the Bolshevists, it was precisely 
these big branches of industry which were a source 
of revenue to the State, by the very considerable 
taxes they paid. This nationalization—I draw your 
attention to this fact—which has been an agent in 
the economic ruin of Russia, is to be found in M. 
Grimm’s programme for Switzerland! Where did 
he get this idea if not from Moscow? 

Soviet Russia today makes an appeal to foreign 
capital. I think those who reply will be simply 
robbed, because, once again, the movement which 
created the N.E.P. is purely pathological, a move¬ 
ment of cafe concerts, a movement of the black 
bourse of Moscow, where, in an international jar¬ 
gon, individual interlopers speculate with jewel¬ 
lery, with metal, with every sort of valuable which 
has nothing to do with the proletariat or with the 
peasants. 

Lenin said, “We must have trade;” but Lenin 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


63 


was only a destructor. Lenin was incapable of pro¬ 
moting trade, because he had violated the laws of 
human nature, the laws of economics. The result 
of his activities can only be death. 

And so, in this situation, is there any hope that 
Russia may recover? And, for the proletariat 
whose sufferings we have related, is there any hope 
that its state may improve, its misery diminish? 

None, because Communism, such as Lenin has 
understood it, that is to say a purely materialist 
Communism, where there is no generosity, no pity, 
no mercy, no joint liability—this Communism is a 
doctrine of death. 

Let us again rapidly examine the state of indus¬ 
try to prove what I have said. What is its base? 
Coal. 

There has been no coal since 1918. The Donetz 
Basin, where there is a large coal production, 
normally worked 390 pits. In a short time, under 
the Bolshevik regime, this number was reduced to 
thirty in 1923. The situation of Donetz is disas¬ 
trous. The coal production of the Urals was 
reduced from 1,358,000 tons in September, 1917, 
to 491,000 tons in January, 1918, nearly two- 
thirds in four months. 

In 1922 the total production of coal in Russia 
was hardly a quarter of the pre-war output, and the 
result is further diminished by the fact that the 
personal needs of the colliers consume forty-eight 
per cent of the extraction, while before the war the 
proportion was eight per cent. 


64 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


Another industrial basis, the Railways. 

Their capacity has diminished from fifteen to 
two. What are the reasons? The want of com¬ 
bustibles and technicians, bad administration, and 
the bad quality of the work of the railway men. 

Mile. Keun gives a description of a station and 
its trains which is illuminating: The station at 

Kharkof,” she writes, “ is a regular forest, with 
thousands of rails, such filthy lavatories that they 
infect the whole station. One wallows in dirt up to 
one’s knees, and, in going out, the bare feet of men 
and women spread the germs of infection every¬ 
where. Thousands of people live in the station. I 
should not be surprised to hear that about two hun¬ 
dred die of typhus every day. 

“ Crowds besiege the trains. People travel on 
the roofs of the carriages, on the steps, hanging on 
to the windows, packed on the buffers between the 
carriages, clutching their parcels of provisions. 
The sufferings of these hordes are indescribable. 

“ The human weight on the carriage roofs under¬ 
mines them. Twice men fell through on to our 
heads! The unhappy passengers, unable to hold 
on longer, at the jerk of the starting train roll 
on to the rails. Every day there are fatal acci¬ 
dents. Women lose their husbands or children, 
and scream like beasts when the train leaves 
without them. 

‘‘ The strikes are so frequent, and the waits so 
long, that provisions give out. When the rains 
began, the misery was doubly increased. W^e 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 65 

picked up one day a schoolboy, fallen from the 
roof and terribly bruised, who told us, with tears, 
he had watched for a train for a month. 

“ Our train had seventy carriages, and was con¬ 
tinually coming to pieces.” 

The situation has got worse, from the fact of 
the disorganization of work and coal production. 
There are not enough workshops for the indispen¬ 
sable repairs. There are only fifty per cent work¬ 
able locomotives. Whereas in 1916, under the 
Czar, 900 locomotives were constructed, in 1921 
only seventy-one were constructed — in 1914, 
31,000 new carriages; in 1921, 950. 

And the railway lines? In 1922, 227,000,000 
sleepers had to be changed. The Soviet State 
provided only five million, and that by taking 
and substituting sleepers from the branch lines. 

There is, of course, the Bolshevist bluff here, as 
elsewhere. They stoke up a “ train de luxe ” from 
Petrograd to Moscow, for the Commissaries and 
foreign visitors. The other trains have been 
described by Mile. Keun. If the express on the 
Moscow-Riga line does 25 to 35 k. an hour, the 
traveller takes eight days to go from Petrograd to 
Sebastopol, ten days from Kieff to Warsaw, and, 
on the rare branch lines where there are still trains 
running, the pace is 5 to 10 km. an hour. 

AGRICULTURE 

The richness and glory of Russia was its agricul¬ 
ture. Odessa, a large port for grain, exported in 


66 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


1913, 10,672,000 tons of cereal, 8,000,000 tons 
of wood, three and one-half milliards eggs, and 
80,000 tons of butter. 

Ninety per cent of the Russians are peasants. 
Lenin, in promising them peace and the land, 
raised in them boundless hopes. But the Bolshe¬ 
vists have infamously deceived them, as already on 
November 8, 1917, they issued the decree of the 
nationalization of the land. 

Then a second decree ordered the peasants to 
deliver to the Government all their surplus harvest 
for the feeding of the towns, for which they 
received, in exchange, manufactured products. 

In the beginning the peasants made these de¬ 
liveries, but they never received the articles in 
exchange, that is to say, the manufactured goods. 

What were the reprisals, if this surplus was not 
handed over? Ten years’ imprisonment! 

As the peasant, of his own accord, did not 
deliver the remains of the harvest, a decree of 1920 
authorizes the requisition of corn, even the grain 
indispensable for sowing. You know how the peas¬ 
ant loves his land and its products. 

Remember that you have to do with the moujik 
—a man, honest, but uncultured, incapable of 
understanding theories which are attempted in the 
letter but not in the spirit, theories of joint liability, 
magnificent, perhaps, but on one condition, that 
everywhere man must be extremely intelligent and 
perfect from a moral point of view! 

The peasant works for himself, for his family, to 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


61 


see his grain sprout and to dispose of it as he 
pleases, and not to be obliged to relinquish it to 
that anonymous person, the State. So he refused 
to hand over his surplus, and what followed? The 
Soviet Government sent troops, who massacred the 
villages, killed and confiscated, with the result that 
the peasant ceased to sow for more than his own 
personal requirements. And there was famine in 
the land. 

Agriculture, and the distribution of the land in 
Russia, had made gigantic strides during the last 
fifty years. The development of the railways, of 
institutions of credit, destined to facilitate the 
peasant’s labour, to improve his condition, to per¬ 
mit him to buy agricultural machinery and ferti¬ 
lizers, was the object of the solicitude of the Czarist 
regime, in spite of its faults, its mistakes, its 
cruelties. 

In the beginning of this century the Minister 
Stolypine elaborated a magnificent agrarian legis¬ 
lation—agriculture in Russia was being developed 
in a wonderful way. The peasant in every village 
possessed, until now, land in common, and enjoyed 
for a stated period the possession of certain 
portions. 

Parallel to this agricultural development in 
Russia, and thanks to the joint tenancy, the number 
of agricultural machines augmented tenfold in a 
few years. And whereas in 1905 Russia bought 
1,200,000 hundred-weights of fertilizers, in 1912 
this figure surpassed six million. 


68 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


But the Czarist agrarian reforms came into col¬ 
lision with the hostility of the milieu of the extreme 
Left and the Bolshevists, because in them was a 
strength, a new individual manifestation, a great 
future for Russia, and so directly opposed to their 
criminal plans. 

At the time of the Bolshevist revolution the 
peasants were promised the land, but were not told 
that it would all be nationalized, that no Russian 
peasant would have his portion to himself. 

For at that moment they were trying to stir up 
jealousy of the better-off peasants who, from gen¬ 
eration to generation, for sixty years had succeeded 
by hard work, honesty, and intelligence, in aug¬ 
menting their properties a little. Against these the 
Soviets drove the idlers, in whom they had 
awakened hatred and jealousy, to serve the triumph 
of the Dictators. In the early days of this Bolshe¬ 
vist revolution, idiotic scenes took place. One 
saw the peasants break up the farms and divide the 
bits of wood, demolish the agricultural machinery, 
and divide the pieces. 

Out of fifteen million peasant proprietors who 
existed in Russia under Czarism, there is not one 
left today. 

An article in the Isvestia says: ‘‘ If you could 
fly over Russia in an aeroplane you would sub¬ 
stantiate that the country is cut up into long strips 
of green, bordering the railway lines, but that the 
rest of the country is arid. So much for the land 
work, for the labourer.” 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


69 


What about the cattle fanner? 

In 1913, there were 35,000,000 horses. In 
1922, 13,000,000. In this same year the diminu¬ 
tion of bovine cattle attained 50 per cent, that of 
pork 85 per cent, of sheep 60 per cent. 

Implements of husbandry? Agricultural ma¬ 
chinery? 

Before the war Russia bought annually a million 
ploughshares; in 1920, 73,000; 186,000 harrows 
in 1913, 5,000 in 1920; 1,700,000 reaping ma¬ 
chines in 1913, 9,000 in 1920. 

The plantations of beetroot, tobacco, cotton, flax, 
vegetables, have diminished from 75 to 90 per 
cent; the production of milk from 260 to 12. 

The Soviets tried to organize vast agricultural 
cultivations to feed the Red Armies. They had 
quickly to abolish them, for the good reason that 
the results of these organizations were the follow¬ 
ing: Instead of producing the 100,000,000 pouds 
predicted, these organizations only produced four 
and one-half million, and the feeding of the staff 
alone exacted nine million pouds. Is it astonishing 
the peasant changed his tune when he recognized, 
like the workman, that he had been deceived? 

His beasts die, and he is given nothing in ex¬ 
change for his work. 

Rebellions have broken out periodically every¬ 
where, but, oddly enough, especially in the centres 
where the big estates existed before, where the 
land was not divided, the labourer, apart from the 
proprietor, found work and wages. Now these 


70 


Bolshevism’s Terrible Record 


big estates—and this is an essential fact—were 
profitable to Russia, because agricultural experi¬ 
ments, necessary to the development of agriculture 
in general, could be tried there, cattle farming 
improved, trials of fertilizers made, and machinery 
tested. 

And it was these large estates which constituted 
Russia’s food reserves. The country consumed 86 
per cent of its production, and exported the rest. 
It was, again, these large estates, which were able 
to export, because they had better and bigger pro¬ 
duction, on account of their larger, more influential 
ways and means. The medium estates served to 
feed the towns. In time of famine the export of 
cereals could be stopped. This was in itself a great 
resource. The Soviet regime has destroyed it. 
Then, on the immense surface of this Empire, hun¬ 
dreds and hundreds of peasant revolts broke out 
against the Soviet Government; but, as the latter 
from the beginning had taken possession of the 
machine guns, the tanks, and the armoured cars, 
what could those unhappy peasants do, who had 
only a rake and a spade to defend themselves with? 

By the decree obliging the peasants to hand over 
their surplus harvest, the Bolsheviks have delib¬ 
erately led the country to disaster. 

They say today: “ No, it is the fault of the 
world war.” 

It is not true. It is not true because the Russian 
armies, during the world war, fought, not in the 
region of the Volga, but in Poland, in Lithuania, in 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


71 


Latvia. That was the theatre of operations. But 
these countries enjoyed the immense advantage of 
separation from the Soviets and have not experi¬ 
enced famine. 

The Bolshevists say, again, “ It was the fault of 
the civil war.” 

The civil war had only an incidental character, 
and Professor Atkinson, sent by the School of 
Sociology at Melbourne, certifies: ‘‘ It is not true 
that the armies of Denikin, Kolchak, or Wrangel 
ruined the peasants. I have no sympathy with 
those armies, but I must state the fact, that not one 
of those generals crossed the famine regions.” 

The Bolshevists say again, “ It is the fault of the 
blockade.” 

But how could the blockade create a famine in 
the richest land in the world? 

No, we have other testimony, coming even from 
the side of the Soviets. 

From 1918, Rykoff, President of the Superior 
Economic Council, recognized that the natural 
famine joined the artificial one owing to the incapa¬ 
city shown by the Soviet administration in distrib¬ 
uting food supplies. 

And, in 1919, Mr. Alston writes to Mr. Balfour: 
“ It is practically certain, thanks to the disorganiza¬ 
tion produced by the efforts of Lenin and Trotsky, 
tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of Russians are 
doomed to die of starvation. The harvest of 1919 
will only give a feeble part of the pre-war pro¬ 
duction. For a few months the population will be 


72 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


able to live by pillage and devastation, but the 
result is inevitable when every creative and produc¬ 
tive enterprise will be destroyed. The workers 
have been incited to believe that, instead of work¬ 
ing for their living, there are other methods’’ 

These prophetic lines have been published in 
the English White Book. Yes, it is because the 
peasants have recognized the uselessness of per¬ 
sonal effort, under Communism, that all production 
has been destroyed. 

In France, in 1921, there was also a dry period, 
but not a famine. 

The famine served the designs of the rulers, 
whose goal, constantly aimed at since the day they 
assumed power, has been to weaken the people’s 
power of resistance, and, in obliging them con¬ 
tinually to hunt their daily bread, to bend them 
into slavery. That is the “ pressure ” of which 
General Dostovalov has spoken, the worst pres¬ 
sure ”—^hunger. 

The government could have done much more 
than they did for the starving. First of all, they 
could have reduced the formidable sums spent on 
the Red Army, of which the budget surpasses by 
800,000,000 gold francs the peace-time budget of 
the Czarist regime. 

LOOT 

And the goverAment possessed considerable re¬ 
sources, in diamonds, and in the crown jewels. 
What have the Bolshevists done with them? 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


73 


I read in a recent number (November 6, 1923) 
of a serious newspaper, Le Messager de Paris, that 
a Mr. Scheinmann had come to Paris and to Brus¬ 
sels, as Soviet agent to discuss the question of 
loans. But another object of his visit was, believe 
me, the liquidation of a stock of 22,000 carats of 
precious stones! 

Although he declared he had brought no jewels, 
he tried to form an association of jewellers for the 
purchase of this stock. 

There were there millions and millions, which 
could have gone to buy grain for the starving. 
They preferred to keep them, as their own supreme 
resource, and to let their so-called compatriots die 
of hunger. 

The famine has made a large part of Russia into 
a desert. 

The Press has recounted the fearful tragedy. 
Happy were they who were able to procure them¬ 
selves bread made of clay, powdered acorns, and 
dead horse! Remember those skeleton children, 
with stomachs distended by internal decomposition, 
with shrivelled, haggard, mournful faces, those 
children whose whole bodies were inflated by the 
swelling of hunger. 

Remember those poor victims, tortured by 
scurvy, due to the absence of nutritious food, that 
scurvy which makes terrible inroads and cracks 
into the mucous glands. 

At Beliajeff 4,300 children died in three weeks. 
Among the Kirghise are two million famishing. 


74 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


The trains are besieged by mobs, who have eaten 
nothing. Mothers kill their children, eat them. 
The starving open the newly made graves. They 
eat dead beasts, moles, sawdust, shavings, rind, 
roots, leaves, slime even. When the grass from the 
swamps gives out, they eat excrements. 

Thirty-three million starving accuse Lenin, Vo- 
rowsky, and all those who have prepared and 
realized Bolshevism! By the side of the famine 
are the epidemics—cholera, typhus, malaria— 
again due to the Soviets, because the old regime 
had done immense work in draining the marshes, 
and, this work having been interrupted, the Soviets 
were incapable of continuing it. So the marshes 
relapsed into their former condition, polluted by 
mosquitos, and malaria spread again over the 
immense districts of Russia, beginning again its 
destructive work. 

The ruin of the habitations, the want of water, 
cause an appalling dirt, lice multiply, and spread 
typhus and skin disease. The typhus patients 
crowd the hospitals, overflow into the corridors, 
block the waiting rooms at the stations. There is a 
dearth of medicines and of doctors. Too many of 
these last bourgeois have been imprisoned, shot, 
or have died of misery. In the district of Chou- 
vasky for 18,000 patients there are only 3,000 
beds. 

I cannot say more for want of time, as I must get 
to subjects, alas, still more acute—those of the 
family, the children, the schools. 


Bolshevisni s Terrible Record 75 

EDUCATION 

In the Soviet Constitution we find Article 17, 
certainly a most admirable article: “ By way of 
assuring the workmen an effective possibility of 
educating themselves, the Socialist Federative 
Soviet Republic of Russia proposes, as its task, to 
offer gratis to poor workmen and peasants a com¬ 
plete and universal education.” 

Here are the facts: 

To be educated, one must have enlightened pro¬ 
fessors, schools, and material. It is not enough to 
create dozens of universities by decrees, which 
remain dead letters. What are the universities in 
Russia? A few wretched starving professors, who, 
if they wish to live, are obliged to become the 
slaves of the Soviets. Miserably fed, miserably 
paid, they find favour in the eyes of the government 
only by grovelling before it. Like the slaves of 
old, they are slaves themselves, by turns com¬ 
plaisant and cunning, spying on their colleagues. 
There is a dearth of scientific literature and labora¬ 
tories for their work. They are limited in their 
activities, their independence, and their thoughts. 
They must obey an administrative and directing 
council, on which, beside the directors and stu¬ 
dents, are seated porters and cleaners—perfectly 
honest men, no doubt, but who have nothing in 
common with the direction of a university. You 
can easily understand under what conditions these 
important university studies are carried out. All 
the independent spirits among the students are 


76 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


expelled, because, to be admitted to the university, 
one must be a Communist, have received that 
special grace of Communism. Only those who are 
Communists can learn. Therefore it is a lie to 
speak in the Constitution of “ that effective possi¬ 
bility of complete and universal education” offered 
to the workers. University education is offered to 
the pure—only the Communists. 

Secondary and Primary Education 

You know how the schools have been destroyed, 
little by little. In the middle of winter they were 
obliged to be closed, because the buildings had no 
window panes, and very often for the lack of 
masters. Blackboards, maps, wall illustrations, 
paper, copy books, books are wanting. You know 
what the newly established discipline is like? It 
is now the children who turn their teachers out of 
the room. And worse—they have instituted co¬ 
education, and immorality flourishes in these 
mixed schools. 

The School Refectories 

One of the ways employed to force parents to 
send their children to school is to give them their 
mid-day meal. But the refectories were so disgust¬ 
ingly kept that the children contracted venereal 
diseases from the use of the utensils, and they were 
obliged to close the schools. In certain districts 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


77 


70 per cent of the schools are closed. In Septem¬ 
ber and October, 1922, 28,000 public libraries and 
twelve clubs for the people were closed. Out of 
927 professional classes of instruction with 52,000 
pupils in October, 1921, one could not count more 
in August, 1922, than 283, with 13,000 pupils, a 
ridiculous number for a population of a hundred 
million souls. 

The misery of this teaching body is such that 
many tutors die of hunger, many commit suicide. 
In proportion to the districts, 30 to 100 per cent of 
school masters are beggars. 

It is with truth that Lounatcharsky, the head¬ 
master of the Soviet University, has declared this 
year that the “ darkness of absolute ignorance 
begins to descend on the children of the Russian 
revolution.” This darkness is such that, in com¬ 
parison, the sombre epoch of Czarism seems like 
some radiant day. What an admission. 

It was this same Lounatcharsky who said to 
M. Herriot that 60 per cent of the children attended 
the primary schools, but that he doubted if that 
proportion could be maintained. So much for that 
universal instruction promised to everybody! In 
contrast, enormous sums are spent on the education 
of the Communist youth, whom they are preparing 
to be the unshakable support of the Soviet regime. 

Lounatcharsky said to M. Herriot, “ The schools 
are mixed and secular, the discipline has been 
changed. We wish these children brought up 
in an atmosphere of love.” It is this same Loun- 


78 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


atcharsky who before preached hatred, and we 
shall see what he understands by an atmosphere 
of love. Yes, this atmosphere of love for child¬ 
hood. Let us examine it. 

The Commissaries’ children live in vast apart¬ 
ments, and have tutors and governesses. Strangers 
are shown a few “ homes for children ” which have 
been kept up, and which date from the old regime. 
But the rest? Presently we shall see what the Bol¬ 
shevik “ homes ” are like. 

It is with truth that The Times (of June, 1923) 
remarks that if love is the commandment of 
Christianity, hate is that of Bolshevism. The 
Isvestia gives an appalling increase of crime among 
children. You can read in The Times of August 
23-28, 1923: “ During the first quarter there 
were 29,317 crimes committed by orphans under 
seventeen.” 

In Petrograd the Central Commission for classi¬ 
fying the children has stated that 90 per cent of 
girls under sixteen seen by them had lost their 
virginity. A report of venereal diseases among 
children states that out of 5,300 girls seen by the 
Commission 4,100, that is 80 per cent, were 
prostitutes. Another report emanating from the 
school teachers utters this cry of distress: “We 
are powerless before these facts, up to now un¬ 
known in Russia—the development of immorality 
and crime among children.” 

The Bolsheviks, on coming inta power, declared 
they would take all the Russian children under 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 79 

their charge! Never have there been so many 
abandoned children. 

In the Volga district, two millions according to 
the Isvestia of November 5, 1922. 

In the Ukraine, according to the report of the 
Bolshevik Commissaries, there are 1,656,000 
orphans. At Petrograd, tens of thousands of 
homeless children. 

“ They remind one,” says The Times (of August 
23-28, 1923) “ of the lost dogs at Constantinople. 
Every moment they die of hunger, or sickness, but 
their number remains always the same, on account 
of the new arrivals.” The parents, struggling for 
food, cannot look after them. Let us take now the 
famous Bolshevik “ homes for children.” 

It will be enough for me to read a report which 
was sent to the Commissariat of Public Instruction 
by a woman of heart. She was imprisoned by the 
Cheka on account of this report, which Lounat- 
charsky, this new kind of philanthropist, judged 
counter-revolutionary. 

“The number of orphans and homeless grows 
with unbelievable rapidity. The children beg, 
forced by hunger and cold, and give themselves up 
to theft and drink. They migrate in bands to the 
South, where it is warmer. They assemble along 
the roads and organize camps. The child, become 
wild and bestial, tries by every means to force its 
way.” 

In the asylums for homeless children, six or 
eight sleep in one bed^ the others on the floor. They 


80 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


eat out of old jam jars. Many have their limbs 
frozen, their bodies covered with ulcers and crusts, 
which swarm with lice. They scream with terror 
and pain. In the Government of Saratoff, the 
authorities declare that it would be better for the 
inhabitants of these “ homes for children ” to be 
shot than to live as they do. 

Childhood perverted and corrupted, children 
covered with vermin, devoured by misery, and the 
adult population poisoned by lies, unnatural vices, 
prostitution! Ah, the Soviet hell is a marvellous 
breeding ground for immorality. There is one 
thing, it is true, which is worse than physical dis¬ 
ease; it is the moral disease, which little by little, is 
gaining over the whole regime. 

Because there are hundreds and hundreds of 
decrees, and whoever fails to obey a decree may be 
taken to the Cheka, therefore everyone dissembles 
. and lies, to escape being throwm into gaol. 

WOMEN 

The State Prostitution of Women 

The decree, which dates from 1918, could only 
be applied in a few villages. From eighteen years 
of age women are obliged to accept a temporary 
union imposed by the Commissaries of the People. 
At Vladimir a young girl of eighteen had to 
inscribe her name at a special bureau to receive an 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


81 


obligatory husband. Two totally unknown men 
arrived one day in the village, seized two young 
girls, and were authorized to carry them off. They 
were never seen again. 

General Pool wrote on January 11, 1919, to the 
English Secretary of State for War, that Com¬ 
missariats of Free Love had been established in 
several towns, and that respectable women had 
been publicly beaten because they refused to obey 
them. At Yekaterinodar the Bolshevik authorities 
delivered mandates which gave the bearer the right 
to possess young girls at his good pleasure. More 
than sixty young girls were requisitioned, some 
violated; a few, after having been cruelly ill- 
treated, were thrown into the river. 

Here is the text of one of these mandates: “The 
bearer of this. Comrade Karasseieff, has the right 
to the possession of ten young girls, aged sixteen to 
twenty, of his own choosing, in the town of 
Yekaterinodar.” 

General Knox sent to the English Secretary of 
State for War the text of a document found on a 
“ Red ” Commissary taken at the Front: “ By 
this I certify that the bearer. Comrade Edyonnikof, 
is authorized to take one young girl. No one has 
the right to oppose him in any way. He is invested 
by me with full powers. That which I certify . . 

This is a picture of one of these authorizations. 
Is it possible that the English White Book, which 
is an official document, can be a forgery? 


82 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 
THE FAMILY 

The sacred character of the family is fought 
against and destroyed by the Soviets, as it is con¬ 
trary to their ends. It is for this reason the condi¬ 
tions of marriage and divorce are made so easy, to 
such a degree that marriages often last only a few 
months, and the duties of the couple are limited to 
simple mutual physical assistance. 

A Soviet Court verdict admits that polygamy is 
not punishable. 

Patricide and infanticide are not special crimes; 
they are simple murders. Why? Because the 
family is an institution of olden days, out of date, 
which has no longer any raison d’etre, since para¬ 
dise has descended on earth in Sovietdom! 

The social consequences of the destruction of the 
sacred character of the family are soon manifest. 
At Moscow, in 1914, there were twelve thousand 
marriages and fifty-four thousand births. And this 
you can read in a French newspaper over the 
signature of an eminent journalist. 

THE HOME 

The Home, It is sweet. The Soviets impose a 
lodger, who lives cheek by jowl with you, and they 
choose the most vulgar beings to put with the most 
refined, so as to humiliate the latter. There is no 
longer the inviolability of the home. Everyone can 
make perquisitions. Over all the families in a 
house reigns permanently the “ workers’ section,” 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


83 


which is generally composed of loafers, who have 
only one object—to spy on the other inhabitants. 

Minute regulations make everyday life unbear¬ 
able. The Soviets have a mania for decrees, be¬ 
cause it is in the net of decrees that they will end by 
ensnaring all the Russians. And it is just because 
all these decrees are suspended like so many 
swords of Damocles over the head of every Russian 
that one no longer lives in that country but by lies 
and dissimulation. 

Oh, life there must be agreeable, indeed! 

And everywhere, naturally, there is also mate¬ 
rial disorganization; houses in ruins, lifts not 
working, no heating, no water pipes, one must stand 
in a queue in the morning to wash. 

Mile. Keun gives the following picture of Khar- 
koff: “ Kharkoff breathes in its homes the smell of 
the charnel house, and furnishes a suffocating 
shroud of infected dust. No lighting. Sordid 
interiors. In rags myself, wearing incomplete 
garments, I never dared sit on a chair, and thought 
I should be sick at the table. Filthy combs mix 
with the bread, old slippers stand against the samo¬ 
var. But why not tidy up a little? Impossible— 
we should be taken for bourgeois!” 

Berthelet shows us Moscow in 1923 {Echoe de 
Paris, September 23, 1923): ‘‘ Consumptive car¬ 
riage horses, who seem to stand up only thanks 
to the support of the halter, which serves as a collar 
and holds the two shafts of the carriage. I got into 
the least dirty, the cushions were losing their 


84 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


insides through large holes, which rough dressings 
of rags and string seemed to make more disrep¬ 
utable, and even more disquieting in this country 
of crawling vermin and endemic typhus. 

‘‘ The coachman demanded as fare 600,000,000 
roubles, that is, 65 French francs (about 18s.). 
There was no tariff. At the hotel, for a room 
and a meal journalists are charged 165 francs 
(about £2 5s.). And what a menu! Some cab¬ 
bage soup, in which swims a tiny piece of meat 
fat, audaciously qualified as beef, a fish pate, fried 
forcemeat balls, in which one easily recognizes 
the menus of the preceding days. The whole 
washed down with a half-bottle of Crimean wine, 
smelling of leather and tar, but baptized ‘ Chateau 
Lafitte, cuvee royale et reserves,^ There is a super¬ 
fluity of loafers, a prodigious increase of beggars, 
infirm, starving, unemployed. The slow and re¬ 
signed pacing of this joyless crowd always greatly 
impresses travellers who are visiting Moscow for 
the first time since the revolution.” 

THE MIDDLE CLASSES 

And they speak of the Renaissance of Russia 
under the Soviets! 

After the destruction of the creations of man— 
industry, trade, agriculture—^we must stop for a 
moment at the destruction of man himself. And, 
in spite of having heard here different stories of the 
Terror, I must entertain you for a few moments 
with this horrible thing. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


85 


I shall not stop at the hostages unless it is to tell 
you this—that, after the suppression of the riots at 
Cronstadt, the Soviets published a decree institut¬ 
ing the condemnation of hostages to the death pen¬ 
alty, after a period of suspense. This system was 
then amplified, special lists were made of people 
condemned in advance to be shot in case of an 
attempt against the Government, whoever might be 
the author. 

Think of the existence of these unfortunates, who 
would be put to death for the act of someone 
unknown. 

The principal aim of the Soviet Constitution is 
to completely crush the bourgeoisie. Article 5 says 
so. A decree of September 5, 1918, has been 
published in No. 195 of “ Information of the 
Executive Pan-Russian Committee” {Investia)^ of 
September 10, 1918. (Decree No. 710 entitled, 
“ Of the Red Terror.”) 

The Soviet (Council) of the People’s Commis¬ 
saries, after having taken note of the report of the 
President of the extraordinary Pan-Russian Com¬ 
mission for the struggle against counter-revolution, 
speculation, and the crimes of officials (Cheka), 
considers that, in view of the given situation, the 
Terror seems to be an absolute necessity, in order 
to guarantee security in the interior, 

“ In order to guarantee security in the interior!” 
Ah, if it had not been for this terror, there would 
no longer be a Bolshevist regime at Moscow, be¬ 
cause during the advance of the White Armies, 


86 


Bolshevisrri s Terrible Record 


Russia would have risen behind the Red Army— 
so the Terror argued rightly. . . That to enforce 
the activities of the Extraordinary Pan-Russian 
Commission for the struggle against counter-revo¬ 
lution, speculation, and the crimes of officials, and 
to give to this activity more coordination, it is indis¬ 
pensable to direct the responsible comrades of the 
Party (Communist) in as large a number as pos¬ 
sible. 

It is indispensable to safeguard the Soviet Re¬ 
public from its cldss enemies by isolating them 
in concentration camps, by shooting everyone hav¬ 
ing acquaintance with the organizations of the 
White Guard, with conspiracies or revolts, and that 
the names of these persons shot, and the reasons for 
the application of this measure, should be made 
public. 

“ Signed: The People’s Commissary for Justice, 
D. Koursky. 

The People’s Commissary for Home 
Affairs, G. Petrovsky. 

The Manager of the Affairs of the So¬ 
viets of the People’s Commissaries, 
W. Bontch-Brouevitch.” 

And it is here that we find again always that 
same anxiety regarding plots and conspiracies, on 
account of which the Soviets have driven into 
ditches, to be shot, hundreds and thousands of 
innocent people. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


87 


THE TERROR 

The Terror has been proclaimed by the leaders. 

First of all by Lenin: “ Ninety per cent of the 
Russian people can perish, provided the remaining 
ten per cent survive at the moment of the World 
Revolution.” 

Then Trotsky: ‘‘ You are indignant at the gentle 
Terror we practise against our class adversaries; 
but know that, in a month at latest, this Terror will 
be clothed in forms more cruel.” 

It takes time to organize! 

Lounatcharsky, the man who preaches love 
towards children: “ There must be a pitiless 
repression, banishing all sentiment.” 

Dzerjinsky: “ We represent organized Terror. 
We give no quarter.” 

Lissovsky: “We will arrange an organized Ter¬ 
ror. If you see a bourgeois escaping the eye, how¬ 
ever vigilant, of our organization, catch him and 
kill him with your own hands. If you see a Social¬ 
ist Revolutionary of the Right, a Menshevik, or a 
traitor of any sort succeed in hiding himself, kill 
him also.” 

Zinovieff: “ We were Terrorists at the beginning 
of the revolution and even before, and we shall 
always be so. We must have leaders who feel only 
a mortal hatred for the bourgeois, who will organ¬ 
ize and prepare the proletariat for an implacable 
struggle, who will not hesitate to use the most 
violent methods towards those who bar their path.” 
“ It is,” he says again, “ the most relentless civil 


88 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

war that has ever been known in the history of the 
Universe. We decided we could not do without the 
Terror; on the contrary, that we must act upon it, 
and regard it as a weapon in the hands of the 
working class.” 

THE CHEKA 

Latzis: The Cheka does not judge its enemies, 
she downs them without mercy, and gets rid of who¬ 
ever is not on her side of the barrier.” 

What is the Cheka, lately become the G.P.U. or 
Gpou? 

The Cheka, ostensibly the extraordinary Com¬ 
mission for the struggle against counter-revolution 
and speculation, and at the same time a surety 
police, an organ of counter-spying, and an extra¬ 
ordinary tribunal, without a public Ministry, nor 
defence, nor judges worthy of the name. It pos¬ 
sesses special branches in each centre, a special 
service of executioners, and administers the 
prisons. Until 1922 eight brigades of police, 
sixty-one battalions and three companies of fron¬ 
tier guards, two divisions of sharp-shooters, and 
one brigade of Baschkir cavalry were subordinate 
to it. From 1922, these bodies have been replaced 
by the “ Chon ” troops or “ ossnaz ” reinforce¬ 
ments. All the organism of the Cheka is directed 
by members of the Communist Party. The recruit¬ 
ing of the special staff—this staff that the witnesses 
have described to you—is made among liberated 
convicts, thieves, assassins, among the agents of 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


89 


the “ Ochrana,” the old Czarist police, among 
degenerated and perverted intellectuals. This staff 
of the Cheka are Jews, Letts, Poles, Armenians, 
Hungarians, the scum of all these races. The 
Cheka is a work of foreigners. It is this staff 
which has remained in the service of the G.P.U. 

“ If we abolish the Cheka,” tliey insisted at the 
Ninth Congress, “ we cut the branch on which we 
are seated.” 

On these speeches it was decided not to reduce 
the Cheka. It was transformed into the G.P.U., in 
order to throw dust into the eyes of foreigners by 
simply changing its name. 

Would you like to know who Dzerj insky, ex-head 
of the Cheka, actually head of the G.P.U., is? 

The Bolshevik Radek will describe him: ‘‘Last 
week I went with Dzerj insky to the centre of 
Russia. I saw how our Felix (the Christian names 
of Dzerj insky are Felix Edward) works. A real 
new broom! At every station one felt the terror 
of everyone, from the stationmaster down to the 
last pointsman. During the fortnight we were 
together he had 300 railwaymen arrested. Obvi¬ 
ously more than half of them were scratched from 
the list of the living citizens of our Socialist coun¬ 
try, These insolent brutes have grown so bold that 
they imagine they see a source of existence in the 
railways. Without bribery one cannot move a step. 
I don’t care much for Dzerjinsky, but I admit he is 
the best disinfector.” 

What cynicism among the Bolshevik leaders! 


90 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Here are Dzerjinsky and Radek, who are profi¬ 
teers of the trusts, and have the audacity to 
anathematize the wretched railwaymen because 
they accept bribes, without which, like all the offi¬ 
cials of Soviet Russia, they would die of starvation. 

We have seen the supreme head, Dzerj insky. 
Here are the subordinate rulers, his representatives 
in the provinces, such as they are described by 
those who have escaped from their clutches. 

Sorokine is a rough uncultivated man, who plays 
at being a dandy. He treats the prisoners as slaves 
or buffoons, but he seldom does any shooting him¬ 
self. Here is a picture of his acolytes. 

Advokine has been one of the head Chekists in 
the Ukraine. Of medium height, fat, and thick-set, 
with large square hands, a puffy face, thick eye¬ 
brows, little furtive eyes which never look you 
in the face. He loves dress, and changes his cos¬ 
tume every day, to naval or civilian. All he wears 
is brand new, and his fingers gleam with jewels. 
He is a cocaine fiend, and delivers himself up to 
his orgies. The prisoners follow his little furtive 
eyes with anguish, as when they rest on one his fate 
is sealed. They call him the “ Angel of Death.” 
He is constantly in a state of brutal excitement. 

The Sailor Terekoff. —^Tall, and fairly good- 
looking, but with something so heavy, so brutal, so 
bloodthirsty in his eyes that one shudders to look at 
him. He has been nicknamed the “ Commissary 
of Death ” by the prisoners. 

At Poltava another sailor, nicknamed Grishka- 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


91 


prostitutka, who had eighteen monks impaled, 
liked, after his exploits, to pin a rose in his button¬ 
hole and, dressed in his sailor’s uniform, to sit in a 
car by the side of a prostitute, with whom he 
paraded the streets, with an air of rejoicing. 

Tschernavsky, —Cocaine fiend; he had always to 
murder a certain number of victims, or he felt 
uncomfortable. 

Rosa Schwartz, at Kieff, who counts her victims 
by hundreds, takes cocaine, and, while smoking, 
goes naked to see the prisoners in their cells, kills 
them with a blow from her revolver, or bums their 
eyes with her cigarette. 

Deutsch, who, at Odessa, organized the shame of 
the women and the assassination of the men, has 
been decorated with the order of the Red Flag. 

Terrihocof, a man still young, big, well made, 
composed, and elegant, likes to wear an irre¬ 
proachable officer’s uniform, and to carry silver 
spurs on his boots. But the prisoners know that his 
well cared for hands, covered with rings, will point 
a revolver at the head of one of them. He is a 
cocaine fiend, as is also Michailoff, a young man, 
well turned out, looking, in fact, as if he had just 
stepped out of a bandbox, but in an exaggerated 
way. This last is fashionably dressed in the uni¬ 
form of a “ Red ” officer. He shoots the prisoners 
with his revolver, in the garden, by moonlight. 

Uganoff said: ‘‘ The only illnesses I recognize 

are cholera and typhus. Our Bolshevism considers 
that if a man cannot work he ought to be shot.” 


92 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Here is the composition of the heads of the 
Cheka at Odessa. Some Israelites, a few Chinese, 
and a negro whose specialty is to pull out the ten¬ 
dons of his victims while he smiles at them. 

Vera Grebentchikoff (Z)om), at Odessa, has per¬ 
sonally killed 700 people. 

The subordinate Chekists, commanders, jailers, 
and executioners, feared by everyone, shod in huge 
boots, wearing leather waistcoats, with a revolver 
at their belts, penetrate everywhere, have free rail¬ 
way passes, free rooms and board. They lead a 
life of debauchery, and are linked to their imme¬ 
diate chiefs and the Soviet Government by the 
awful joint-responsibility of crime. 

You know now who are the leaders. However, 
there is one official of the Cheka whom we have not 
yet mentioned. He is the counter of the bodies, 
“ Zavoutchel,” he adds up the number of massa¬ 
cred. And all these men, the scum of humanity, 
are the officials of the Soviet Government, that 
creation of the Lenins and Vorowskys, who are, 
therefore, responsible. Is it not the creator who is 
responsible for his creation, or is it the created? 

I say that, in spite of all the horror inspired by 
the Advokines, the Terekoffs, and the rest, the 
horror that is inspired by the men who have had the 
frightful conception of this regime, who have 
worked for its advent, as Vorowsky did untiringly 
by the side of Lenin for years, and who have 
profited by it, this horror must be greater still. 

They are the guilty. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 93 
A TOUR OF RUSSIA 

We must make a short, but terrible, journey 
across Russia, a journey into the hell of the inno¬ 
cents, which extends from Esthonia to Siberia, 
from the Black Sea to Archangel. 

You have heard a few witnesses here, but it re¬ 
mains for me to show you as rapidly as possible, 
how the regime of the Terror has spread every¬ 
where throughout all the Russians. 

When the Esthonian troops retook the Baltic 
towns from the Bolsheviks in January, 1919, they 
opened the graves of the massacred, and proved 
directly with what brutality the Bolsheviks had 
acted. 

They found everywhere coagulated blood, pieces 
of hat, clothes, brains, and fragments of skulls with 
bits of hair. The victims had been bereft of every¬ 
thing except their linen. In thirty-three cases the 
skulls had been smashed, so that the heads dangled 
like lumps of wood on their trunks. 

Most of the victims had been shot, wounded by 
bayonets, their entrails tom out, the bones of their 
arms and legs broken. A survivor related that, 
having been taken with fifty-six prisoners to a 
common grave, they first shot the women. One of 
them tried to escape, fell, wounded, so the assassins 
dragged her by her feet into the pit. Five of them 
jumped on her and trampled on her until she died. 

At Dorpat and Walk, the same horrors. 

At Mitau, the ancient capital of the Duchy of 
Courland, a large piece of raised ground, sur- 


94 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


rounded by walls of red brick and tarred out¬ 
houses, the muddy ground spotted with snow, was 
strewn with corpses. One could count more than 
forty men and women, young and old, peasants 
with coloured scarves knotted on their hair, men of 
the people in huge iron boots, clergymen dressed in 
black frock-coats, and aristocrats with majestic 
features. Nearly all the victims lying there were 
from the Baltic. 

At Moscow, Orloff shot young boys accused of 
spying. Maga executed several thousand people. 

At Kasan, at Sylva, in the Urals, at Ekaterino- 
dar, they crucify and throw the living into burning 
pitch at the factories. They cut up one victim and 
buried him in dung. 

At Tashkent, 2,500 persons were massacred dur¬ 
ing the night of January 21, 1919. 

At Blagovestchensk, they thrust gramophone 
needles under the nails of the officers and soldiers 
and tore out their eyes. At Omsk they tortured and 
shot old or pregnant women. 

Let us return to the Volga. 

At Tzaritzine, the executions take place in the 
yard of the Cheka, on a river sand bank, or on 
rafts. The Cheka invite their friends, who, from a 
balcony, look on at this butchery, and these pur¬ 
posely prolong the execution by striking the con¬ 
demned with their bayonets, by making their eyes 
jump, or breaking their noses. Then they make 
the victims stand in a line, in water up to their 
knees^ and the executioners on horseback kill them 


Bolshevism"s Terrible Record 


95 


with blows from their swords. In falling, the 
wounded are suffocated by the water. They com¬ 
bine many tortures in this way. 

Polounine was at Tzaritzine in 1918! 

The principal Cheka for the southeast of Russia 
is at Rostoff, and the suspects from the north of the 
Caucasus and the Don are sent there. Rosenberg 
relates that several houses are occupied for this 
purpose, containing more than 2,000 prisoners, a 
number which remains always more or less the 
same, as those shot are successively replaced. The 
Cheka sits every Tuesday. Ninety per cent of its 
verdicts are condemnations to death, and at 11 p.m. 
eight motor lorries make as much noise as possible 
to drown the sound of firing, while the executions 
are taking place. 

Then the bodies are piled up in heaps in the pub¬ 
lic graves of the town. Before the Tuesday execu¬ 
tions the friends and relations of the accused bring 
baskets of food with the names of the condemned. 
At 11 at night a porter comes with a list, has the 
baskets put, some on the right and some on the 
left, the latter meaning that their would-be owners 
have been executed. 

At Voronej, still on the Don, they pierced out 
their victims’ eyes, cut off their noses and ears, 
dislocated their joints, and tore off their nails, 
carved officer’s epaulettes on their shoulders, and 
engraved the Soviet star on their foreheads. Other 
victims were plunged, wholly or partly, into boiling 
water, in baths specially installed in the apartments 


96 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

of the Cheka. After these baths, the skin peeled 
off in bits from the boiled parts, and these poor 
dying souls were then thrown out of doors. Melted 
lead was forced down the throats of others. Else¬ 
where have been found separate hands, fingers, 
feet, broken bones, and teeth, sliced-off ears and 
noses, tom-off ears and human flesh! 

Still at Voronej, they put their victims in barrels 
pierced with nails on the inside. The body of a 
priest was discovered crowned with a band of 
barbed wire. 

At Kharkoff, the butcher Saenko was celebrated 
for his skill in scalping heads and hands. 

The Cheka in the territory of the Dnieper, at 
Yekatrinoslav, amuses itself with crushing the 
victims’ heads by means of a block suspended by a 
cord, the face turned towards the sky, so the con¬ 
demned watches his death approaching. In this 
same town, they stoned, crucified, and killed the 
people in the streets, and left their bodies on the 
ground. 

The Bolshevik newspaper. The Voice of Truth, 
writes: ‘‘ It is time to clear the streets of human 
bodies, as the dogs which have tasted human flesh 
become dangerous.” 

In the Crimea we see Bela Kun at work. Com¬ 
rade Trotsky has declared that he will not go to the 
Crimea as long as a single counter-revolutionary 
remains there. The Crimea is three years behind 
time in the revolutionary movement. We must 
bring it to the level of the rest of Russia,” 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


97 


There are certain places at Sebastopol where the 
divers refuse to work. Two of them, who dared 
the attempt, went mad when they came to the sur¬ 
face. A third consented to dive once more, and 
when he came up he related that he had seen a 
crowd of corpses with stones tied to their feet; the 
motion of the water moved their arms, their eyes 
were open, and their hair stood up on end. In 
the midst of these corpses a priest, in a flowing 
robe with wide sleeves, appeared to be making a 
violent speech. 

Polounine saw forty bodies of officers thrown 
into the water at Novorossisk, whose execution he 
had just attended. 

In 1920-21, after the evacuation of Wrangel’s 
army at Theodosia, still in the Crimea, 7,500 
people were shot; at Simferopol, 12,000; at Sebas¬ 
topol, 9,000; at Yalta, 5,000. They shot at 
Theodosia three schoolboys and four schoolgirls 
from fifteen to sixteen years of age. Dr. Koudrine 
and his wife were shot without trial because they 
had not delivered to the Revolutionary Committee 
of Yalta an object which a patient at the Sanato¬ 
rium wished sent to his mother. Two other doctors 
and seventeen nurses were also shot. 

At Lipka, the Cheka shot 272 wounded and 
invalids. Those who could not walk were carried 
on stretchers. The local Tartar population saw in 
this appalling slaughter a punishment of God, and 
themselves flogged a baby of three days old. 

At Piatigorsk the Cheka massacred the hostages. 


98 


Bolshevism’s Terrible Record 


They were taken to the cemeteries, their hands tied 
behind their backs, gagged with a thin iron bar; 
they were made to kneel and to hold their necks 
out, two paces from the public pit. Then the bones 
of their arms and legs were broken, their noses cut 
off, their teeth smashed, and their intestines 
opened. While this was going on, the leaders of 
the detachment beat them with rubber sticks. At 
Odessa they shot people for having allowed card¬ 
playing in their own homes. Officers, also at 
Odessa, were taken on board the steamer Sinope, 
undressed, fastened to beams with chains, put in 
front of the oven and slowly roasted. Others were 
cooked in boilers, then plunged into the sea, and 
thrown again into the oven. 

Still at Odessa, the Bolsheviks have put to death 
400 officers by means of the torture of boiling 
steam, alternated with exposure to currents of 
icy air. Others were burnt alive, fastened to 
planks which were slowly pushed into the ovens, 
bit by bit, a few inches nearer each time. Else¬ 
where they have killed by asphyxiation, by locking 
up the last victim in a chest filled with the dead. 
Half an hour later the chest was opened, the mori¬ 
bund questioned, and if his replies did not satisfy 
them they recommenced until death finally en¬ 
sued. 

On August 6, 1919, the Cheka at Kherson 
arrested the wife of an officer, aged twenty-three, 
whose husband, mobilized by force, had deserted. 
They told her she had been the wife of an official. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 99 

but that now she would belong to everybody, a 
Communist wife. The third day they took her to a 
cellar, her eyes bandaged, undressed her, and put 
the barrel of a revolver in her mouth, while they 
fired several times above her head. She fainted. 
They restored her and violated her. 

In the Crimea the Bolsheviks violated the nurses 
who were prisoners, so the latter acquired the habit 
of carrying poison to escape these outrages. 

At Simferopol, the Pole, Achikine, made his vic¬ 
tim walk in front of him completely naked, con¬ 
sidered her a moment, then chose a sword and cut 
off her ears and her hands. Suffering horribly, the 
victim implored him to kill her. Achikine remained 
unmoved. Finally he bent over her and burnt or 
pierced her eyes out, and only later decapitated 
her. 

“ From July to December, 1921,” relates the 
doctoress Nokolokaia, ‘‘ I was imprisoned in the 
dungeons of the Cheka at Odessa. From under my 
eyes hundreds of prisoners were taken out to be 
shot, the charming and pretty wives of officers were 
tortured whole days and nights by the perpetual 
menace of death, and finally the agents of the 
Cheka succeeded in making these unhappy brides 
and fiancees consent to be used by the soldiers and 
sailors. December 3, 1921, I was thrown out of 
the Cheka, literally into the streets, for the only 
reason that I was completely consumed by the 
worms that swarmed over my whole body. I was 
out in Odessa, in intense cold, with bare knees, and 



100 Bolshevisni s Terrible Record 


body scarcely covered. An Israelite, ‘ the good 
Samaritan,’ rescued me.” 

In the north of the Caucasus the death penalty 
was applied for drunkenness to those who did not 
belong to the privileged class of the Soviets. 

At Tiflis 300 men, women, and children were 
shot in the public square. The walls of the houses 
were stained with blood. The newspapers have 
lately published what is happening today at Tiflis. 
Dr. Advuardo Cook, member of the Italian Mili¬ 
tary Mission, was imprisoned in the jails of the 
Cheka; and he relates the barbarous torments, the 
assassinations on the edge of the grave, and the ter¬ 
ror inspired by Pancratof by reason of the thou¬ 
sands of death sentences signed by him. 

One knows that the torments of the unhappy 
people of Georgia are not over. It is the Cheka, or 
the G.P.U., which terrorizes. In the single province 
of Gouri the number of shot during three months of 
this year (1923) reached several hundreds. The 
prisons overflow with prisoners, so the Cheka 
deports them. But the Georgians continue to strug¬ 
gle heroically. 

Yes, Georgia in martyrdom, tortured like all 
Russia, has uttered a cry of distress. Who has 
heard it? 

APPEAL TO LEAGUE OF NATIONS 

Mr. Chavichvily, delegate of the Georgian Gov¬ 
ernment, approached the League of Nations. A 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 101 


few weeks ago he made a moving appeal; he 
described the fields of carnage, he mentioned all 
the victims. What has the League of Nations 
done? 

“ It is a terrifying picture,” we read in Le Jour¬ 
nal de Geneve of September, 1923, ‘‘ which this 
appeal gives us. The country is nothing but a field 
of carnage. The Cheka and the Bolshevist troops 
have devastated everything. They shot the mothers 
and children of the country without trial or pre¬ 
liminary warning. Enfeebled by a famine regime, 
giddy with blows from being clubbed, wrists and 
feet tied together, these victims were taken in 
lorries outside the town, shot, and thrown into pits. 
Dogs divide their corpses. The appeal concludes 
in expressing the hope that the League of Nations 
will lift its voice against the crimes committed in 
Georgia by the present masters of Russia.” 

But what use would it be for even the League of 
Nations to address a solemn reprimand to the men 
of Moscow? These men of Moscow fear only 
force. Europe has let them do what they like. 
Europe will let them do as they like, the League 
of Nations will mobilize no international force to 
deliver the 130,000,000 victims who are tortured 
under the regime of the Cheka. And so what re¬ 
mains for those who suffer, for those who love 
them, their relations, their friends, their com¬ 
patriots? 

And when I told you at the beginning of this 
speech that collective justice was dead, that there 


102 Bolshevism’s Terrible Record 

was no more justice in the world against Bolshe¬ 
vism, I spoke the truth. 

In pleading, M, E. Aubert concluded his recital 
of the Terror with these words: 

You have heard the Cheka of Kielf mentioned. 
I will not speak of it. I have here in these pages 
such horrors upon horrors that I cannot read you 
any more. There is a point beyond which human 
strength cannot go, a moment when the mind 
becomes haunted by the deaths of all these 
innocents. 

The most complete information on the Cheka at 
Kieff is possessed, because that town was retaken 
by the Volunteer Armies. 

“ On the threshold of the town,” says an eye¬ 
witness, Mr. Milostonsky, ‘‘ a nauseating odour of 
corpses poisons the air. Certain districts are un¬ 
approachable without the aid of a handkerchief 
soaked in a disinfectant, particularly the district of 
Lipky, where the Cheka was situated with its 
human slaughter-houses.” Every Cheka of any 
importance possesses its house of murder, which is 
generally an old carriage house or motor garage. 
There were sixteen at Kiev, and the Bolsheviks 
themselves nicknamed them “ Bognia,” which 
means slaughter-house. Each one had its order 
number. Killing took place from midnight till 
morning. The victims came naked across the 
streets. They even killed the nurses of the Red 
Cross because they knew and had seen too much. 
These slaughter-houses are also found elsewhere, 


BolshevisTTi s Terrible Record 


103 


particularly at Voronej, at Kharkoff, at Poltava, at 
Ekaterinburg. The cellars of these places reek of 
corpses, the walls are covered, and the floor damp 
with blood. Pieces of brain, skin, hair, fragments 
of skull, bits of bone remain. There were 127 
naked corpses, black and swollen, from the last 
butchery in the garden, the faces completely dis¬ 
figured. In a public pit were eighty corpses, the 
intestines open, the limbs cut into scraps, heads 
with no tongues, or noses, mouths full of earth as 
far down as the respiratory organs. Elsewhere 
they have shot their victims lying on their faces in 
pools of blood. To avoid transporting the bodies, 
the condenmed are placed one behind the other, 
before a huge chest. The first one shot is buried 
in it by the one behind, and so on. In another 
charnel house in the Ukraine one’s attention was 
attracted by a large block on which the condemned 
had to lay his head to have it crushed. Beside it 
was a pit full of blood and human brains. Another 
time they buried the condemned up to their necks, 
and when they lost consciousness they took them 
out, only to begin again as soon as they had recov¬ 
ered. Chekist women put out their eyes while they 
were buried. 

It is not only Nilostonsky who has confirmed 
these things, it is also the British delegates, the 
delegates of the American Red Cross, the corre¬ 
spondents of The Times, the New York Herald, 
Reuter’s Agency, and, finally, a Commission of 
Inquiry composed of doctors and criminal lawyers. 


104 Bolshevism's Terrible Record 

On August 28, 1919, massacres took place en 
masse. At No. 5 of the Sadovaya 127 people were 
killed, 100 in the gardens of the Cheka, seventy in 
Jeretvitskaya Street, about the same quantity at 
the Chinese Cheka. This to avoid the expense of 
the transport of the prisoners, as they were evacuat¬ 
ing the town. 

A few more details of the Cheka of Kiev. There 
are the slaughter-houses where the killing took 
place, but there are also the houses of terror, where 
they imprisoned, cross-examined, and tortured. 
The head of the Cheka was Latsis, of Lett origin, 
whom we have already quoted. His assistant was 
a Jew called Rases. The rooms of the houses of 
terror were full of documents, papers, photo¬ 
graphs, and bottles of cocaine. In one Cheka a 
dentist’s chair was found, covered with blood, and 
bits of bone. One can imagine atrocious scenes 
from this discovery. In the basement of the house 
of terror the windows were walled up, the con¬ 
demned were kept in cells 47 yards by 2, holding 
fifteen to twenty people, old men and women 
together. They never went out, and day and night 
were exposed to insults, jeers, blows from the 
knout, and the bayonets of the jailers. Often they 
announced to the prisoners that they were free, and 
then conducted them to the slaughter-house. 
Sailors and women amused themselves with the 
effect this produced. Every night some of the pris¬ 
oners were taken away. Each one was called 
“ with all his effects,” which signified death. And 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 105 

often the next day the relatives of the murdered 
would see the jailers come into the cells wearing 
the clothes of the deceased. 

The nurses of the Old Russian Red Cross, who 
have worked under the regime of the Cheka at 
Kiev, must be remembered among the servants of 
the Red Cross who have most highly honoured it. 
Exposed without ceasing to the most extreme bru¬ 
talities, by the Commanders of the Cheka, every 
day in danger of death because they had seen and 
knew too much, sick at heart at all the suffering 
they were obliged to witness, they accomplished 
their duties with the utmost devotion. To bring 
some relief to the prisoners the greatest precau¬ 
tions had to be observed, or their visits would have 
been stopped as a means of torture. These visits 
were for the prisoners the only ray of light in the 
darkness which surrounded them, as the presence 
of priests was forbidden. The sisters made their 
rounds at night, when the condemned were about 
to be taken to execution. Every prisoner thought 
his turn had come, and no one knew for whom 

the sound of the wheels of that grim automobile 

would be the signal of death. Periodically the 
executioners exterminated all the inmates of a cell. 

‘‘ I never imagined that to live in the midst of the 
condemned to death could be such torture,” said 
one sister. And it was not only the sight of the 

sufferings of the victims, it was also that of the 

orgies of the Commissaries, of the vulgar pleasure, 
disorderly rejoicing, or debauchery in the midst 


106 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


of all that blood, that weighed every day on the 
sisters of the Red Cross. Sister Martinove was 
shot, because she was suspected of being in com¬ 
munication with the Volunteer Army. 

It must be noted that the Cheka had its special 
storerooms, which they called “ treasuries,” but 
that a good part of the booty went into the pockets 
of the Commissaries. The Cheka had its secret 
registers, but in spite of all attempts of parents and 
friends, no one could find out the place of deten¬ 
tion of the prisoners. To make this terrible mystery 
more undecipherable. Commander Ugarof ordered 
each prisoner to be known only by a number. 
Sometimes the Chekists arrested a whole family. 
A mother with her baby at the breast; the mother 
only was executed, the baby returned to the fam¬ 
ily. Then these butchers boasted of Communist 
humanity. 

Another time they drew a ring round a whole 
district—organized a hunt. Torture chambers were 
used for the examination of the accused, but, in 
addition, to get information from them they were 
kept in the fear of death, and it was arranged for 
their relations, husbands, and wives to witness the 
sufferings of those they loved. In this way they 
broke the spirit of the victims. 

From top to bottom of the hierarchy a diaboli¬ 
cal zeal, a rivalry of cruelty reigns. The Chekist 
judges promise their lives to the condemned only 
on condition that they denounce someone else, and 
if the prisoner gives in he is executed all the same. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 107 


The last days before the taking of Kiev by the 
volunteers the massacres were intensified. An 
enormous pit was dug in front of the residence of 
one of the most important Communists, and from 
the garden was heard screaming, moaning, inter¬ 
spersed by firing. They executed in batches of ten, 
but, as the executioners were in a hurry, they aimed 
badly, and many victims fell alive into the pit. All 
these unfortunates had been tried in the following 
way. The judges had a card with the name, age, 
and profession of the prisoner; they asked him a 
few questions, and if at the end they said, “ Re¬ 
main,” that meant death. 

One Chekist replied that he did not know why he 
had been arrested; he thought he was suspected of 
being an enemy of the Government, That answer 
sufficed for him to be shot. 

Some of the prisoners went to their deaths calm 
and courageous; only the pallor of their faces and 
their looks showed they no longer belonged to this 
world. But some would not die; they hung on to 
the walls and howled like madmen. At these cries 
the jailers laughed and made cynical remarks. 

Sometimes the condemned returned to their cells, 
having been fired at with blank cartridges, but 
generally they had some of their limbs dislocated 
or broken. 

Three nights running they took three prisoners to 
be tortured in this way. The third night one of 
them went mad; he tore his clothes without saying 
a word and picked up everything he found on the 


108 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

ground. A nurse who has related these horrors 
in the Journal de Geneve quotes the following facts: 

Through the closed door I heard moaning which 
tore my heart, blows from a horsewhip, the noise 
of a falling body, and a voice that was no longer 
human. ‘ Let me go,’ it said, ‘ I assure you I know 
nothing.’ ‘ I shall end by refreshing your mem¬ 
ory,’ and the blows of the horsewhip succeeded 
each other with greater force. It was the judge 
and two other agents, who were beating an old 
woman. They boasted about it afterwards. ‘ Did 
you notice,’ said one of them, ‘how that old hag 
rolled about on the ground? What an actress!’ ” 

One day a nurse saw an officer standing naked 
in front of his grave. Three detonations re¬ 
sounded; the man did not fall; the soldiers had 
been given the order to fire above his head. “ Give 
us the names of your accomplices, or we will shoot 
your wife and child, who are hidden behind this 
hedge.” The man did not move. A detonation was 
heard in another direction. The woman was not 
hurt, but when they took the officer back to his cell 
he was mad, and the woman behind the hedge was 
not his wife; it was simply a trick to make him 
speak. 

A despairing mother, whose only son met his 
death in the slaughter-house of Sadovaya Street at 
Kiev, saw two soldiers arrive one day. They took 
her daughter, aged nineteen, to the house where her 
brother had been killed. They ordered her to 
dance before her brother’s assassins. They gave 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 109 

her a glass of champagne. She smashed it, and 
tried to cut her throat. Then the women present 
threw themselves on her with blows and pulled out 
her hair, because of “ this act of sabotage.” They 
took her unconscious to the slaughter-house, where 
they shot her. 

Solntsev, a bank clerk, a jovial young man, 
allowed imprudent words to escape him, which re¬ 
sulted in the arrest of ninety people accused of 
plotting against the Government, although there 
were no proofs. They were all tortured and sub¬ 
jected to sham executions. Solntsev went mad from 
having spent the night alone in the midst of corpses 
still warm. They ended by also shooting him. 

The lawyer Bolkvin, father of three children, an 
excellent man, was arrested because he was the 
legal adviser of one of his relations who was hiding 
from the Cheka. He was first sent to penal 
servitude, then executed. 

The Kostomaroff family, father, son, and daugh¬ 
ters, were shot for having corresponded with one of 
their relations, an officer in the Volunteer Army. 

Often, during an execution, the band of a “Red” 
regiment played gay tunes. One of the bandsmen 
fainted because he saw a grave move, which was 
barely closed, and was arrested on the charge of 
having sympathy for the prisoners. He was only 
saved by the intervention of his comrades, who 
declared he was really ill! A Swiss has related that 
they shot fifty officers, one after the other, the band 
playing between each volley. One can imagine the 


110 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


mental condition of those whose turn came last! 

Twenty prisoners were fetched away. Those who 
remained ran to the windows and saw these twenty 
women thrown naked into a lorry, covered with a 
tarpaulin on which the soldiers seated themselves. 
Taken to a camp, they were told that at a given 
signal they must run, and she who ran the fastest 
would save her life. These unfortunates, quite 
naked under the eyes of all those men, stood in a 
line, and as the signal resounded, when they started 
olf, the head of the Cheka mowed them down with 
a machine gun. 

Odette Keun, who gives these facts, is right in 
saying that Bolshevism will be damned in the eyes 
of all future generations. She adds that people go 
miles out of their way not to pass the buildings of 
the Cheka, and that they avoid pronouncing its 
name. 

Sometimes victims are shot on their knees, some¬ 
times lying on the ground, sometimes in being 
chased round a garden, or they are put in rows of 
ten, each one being made to lie on the body of the 
one just executed, or they fire on the threshold of a 
cellar. The Commander often likes to kill the 
condemned with his own hands. That was the case 
with Saenko at Kharkoff. They are nearly always 
tortured beforehand; one has his hands tom olf, 
another his intestines opened by a sword thrust, 
limbs broken, eyes put out, noses cut off, lips 
slashed. They are almost always made to dig their 
graves. The Bolsheviks forced an old woman to 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record HI 


dig her own grave, then they belaboured her with 
blows from a bayonet and shot her. 

What is there surprising in all this, since it is 
thieves, assassins, convicts, seducers, the abnormal 
agents of the old Czarist police, misguided intel¬ 
lectuals, morphinists, cocaine fiends, who have 
received from the Soviet Government powers of 
life and death over the Russian people on the oiie 
condition that they serve it blindly? 

At Kharkoff, in 1919, the executioners plunged 
the hands of the accused into boiling water, then 
they tore off the skin to make human gloves. In 
the centre of Russia they made “ The Crown of 
Death,” by means of a cord which they fastened 
in a noose round the prisoners’ heads and tightened 
by a wooden stick, twisting it the necessary number 
of times. The Bolsheviks also know how to utilize 
the cold, so terrible in Russia, and they made the 
condemned stand naked for hours in a line, from 
time to time shooting one or two. In the concen¬ 
tration camp at Kharkoff the prisoners were com¬ 
pelled to load barbed wire at the stations, making 
their hands bleed, after which they were forced to 
carry sacks of salt. 

The Times of November 14, 1919, speaks of 
crucifixions at Odessa. 

They ran nails into their elbows, smeared their 
wrists with varnish, so the skin became bloated. 
This they sliced off by means of a razor, then tore 
the rest of the skin down to the nails. 

Everything that can be said of the insanity of the 


112 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Chekists will fall short of the truth. There are no 
words to describe what they have done. How 
eloquent, nevertheless, are those inscriptions on the 
walls of the prison at Kharkolf: “ During four 
days I was beaten till I lost consciousness, then I 
was given an official report, prepared for my signa¬ 
ture. I signed—I could not suffer any more.” 

And this other one: ‘‘ House of torment and suf¬ 
fering. Grave of our brothers!” 

And this one, which is the judgment that every 
being who has kept any human feeling ought to 
pronounce on the Bolshevik leaders and their assist¬ 
ants : “ Cursed be they who shed their brother’s 
blood.” 

Finally, this last one, which I have already 
quoted: “Ye, who enter here, leave all hope 
behind.” 

Mr. Melgounof declares “ that all these atrocities 
were by no Vneans the excesses of the local agents, 
but a system executed by the central organs of 
authority.” 

When, in 1922, in the course of an action, the 
agents of the Cheka admitted that the accused had 
been tortured, the guilty were not condemned, as 
they produced a secret circular from the Central 
Cheka where it was prescribed that, in every case 
in which confrontment and the “ usual threats ” 
failed to make the accused confess their crimes, 
recourse must be had to “ tried and ancient means,” 
that is to say, to torture. 

I have finished with the Terror, and I feel the 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 113 


relief of no longer having that terrible weight on 
my shoulders. 


THE SPY SYSTEM 

But there is still the spy system. Ah, the Soviets 
mean to put this method into practice, to cause 
dissension, in order to rule. They have ended by 
sowing suspicion in every Russian to such a degree 
that, even in the family circle, no one dares express 
himself openly. The Bolsheviks have made odious 
use of the finest and noblest qualities of the soul. 
The Cheka takes a man, makes him spend a few 
days in prison, and says to him: “You have 
friends, you must spy upon them; if not, your wife 
or your daughters, or your fiancee will come here, 
or your mother or your father.” 

Spies make all revolt from the interior impos¬ 
sible, because no confidence can be felt in any¬ 
body. 

Every new prisoner of the G. P. U. is invited to 
become a spy. A man must choose between his 
family and his friends. There are spies in the 
prisons, in the streets, in the shops, in the family. 
This is what the Journal des Debats says: “ Oh, 
what a Satanic work those men have accomplished! 
There is no longer any confidence even among 
friends and relations. I told you those people had 
lost all human aspect. They have killed the finest 
feelings in man.” 

Among the Soviets, one has the sensation of 


114 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 

going slowly mad, the decaying and dying of the 
soul. 

“ No qualification is strong enough,” writes, in 
June, 1923, the courageous correspondent of The 
Times, “ to describe the horrors of this diabolical 
system. The victims are in the majority women, 
typists to the foreign newspaper correspondents, 
professors of Russian, governesses in foreign fam¬ 
ilies, general servants. Men are also victimized. 
They suddenly disappear for a few days, then come 
back with white faces, pretending, as a rule, that 
they have been ill. Sometimes the truth escapes 
from them with tears, and supplications that their 
revelations may be kept secret. Many people 
among the middle classes are ashamed to confess 
it, weak characters are to be found in every milieu. 
It is this which divides the enemies of Bolshevism 
in Russia, and makes all union among them im¬ 
possible.” 

Even if Lenin had brought the greatest prosperity 
to his country instead of ruin, misery, distress, and 
famine, the one fact that he has poisoned the Rus¬ 
sian soul would be enough to justify Conradi’s 
bullet. 

I was right when I said at the opening of my 
speech—Bolshevism is the biggest crime in history! 

THE PROSTITUTION OF RELIGION 

Bolshevism has destroyed the proceeds of man’s 
work; it has killed his body, it has kiUed his soul, 
and now it attacks God. 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 115 

After man—God. 

On the red wall of the Town Hall at Moscow one 
can now read: Religion is the opium of the 
people.” 

The Soviets follow up their materialist propa¬ 
ganda as far as the walls of the churches, where 
they inscribe: ‘‘Down with God! Death to God! 
The church intoxicates the people. Neither God nor 
Devil!” 

Pamphlets are distributed among the people: 
“ The Negation of God ”; “ Without God.” 

BLASPHEMY 

They profane the altars, lighting cigarettes from 
the church candles, wrapping up herrings and pud¬ 
dings in the Gospels, installing cafe concerts and 
cinemas in the churches. The churches are open 
in Russia, but on condition that political meetings 
are also held in them, that they are used in other 
ways than for religion. The Bolsheviks have 
organized blasphemous carnivals. 

At Christmas, 1922, the chosen among the Com¬ 
munist youth formed a long procession. A girl 
in a pointed hat represented the Virgin, and one 
read: “ 1922 times Mary has given birth to Jesus; 
in 1923 she has given birth to a young Communist.” 

At Zvenigorod the Bolsheviks have raised a statue 
to Judas. Why? Because it appears Judas was 
dishonoured by the bourgeois! They have opened 
a class for the best caricature of Christ. In satirical 


116 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


illustrated papers are abominable blasphemies, 
where they mock the Holy Communion and the 
Sacred Writings, caricature Jehovah, the God of 
the Jews, beside the Christian God. The Bolshe¬ 
viks wished to replace Sunday by another day. 
And they burnt at the stake Bibles, prayer books, 
ikons, to the sound of military bands and blasphe¬ 
mous refrains. 

These details can be read in newspapers, which 
are not in the habit of lying, such as the Semaine 
Religieuse of Geneva. 

The Sacraments are forbidden in the prisons. 
To religious mysticism they oppose natural science 
and grandiloquent words. They say, “ The prole¬ 
tariat is by its nature atheist!” 

Then how is it that the working masses were the 
first to surround the Patriarch Tihon and the 
Metropolite Benjamin? 

They say, “ The drinkers of blood and the big 
financiers are those who propagate the religion of 
the crucified and the idea of His Resurrection, to 
stifle their groans and give patience to the unfor¬ 
tunate.” 

Were St. Paul, St. Augustine, St. Francis of 
Assisi drinkers of blood, big financiers? No, the 
drinkers of blood and the big financiers are the 
Dzerj inskys, the Trotskys, the Radeks, the Vorow- 
skys! And the Resurrection of Christ which they 
mock at is today for millions of Russians the only 
hope. 

Do not imagine it is only the Orthodox Church 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 117 

which is persecuted. No, the Roman Catholic and 
Protestant Churches are persecuted quite as much. 
A quantity of newspaper cuttings report the trial of 
Mgr. Cieplak. And Lutheran clergymen are put 
in prison, enrolled by force in the Red Army, or 
live as fugitives in deserted districts. One finds the 
same heroism among these persecuted as among the 
Huguenot church of old. They preach in spite of 
being forbidden, and thousands of poor souls go to 
them. 

All the work of the Christian Church, all its 
benevolent, all its hospital work has been destroyed, 
be it Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Orthodox. 

And the reason? 

Lounatcharsky will give it to you. These are his 
words spoken at a conference entitled, ‘‘ Why one 
must not believe in God.” 

“ We hate the Christians, even the best must be 
considered as your greatest enemies. They preach 
mercy and love of one’s neighbour, which is in 
contradiction to our principles. Christian love 
curbs the development of the revolution, Down 
with love of one’s neighbour! That which we must 
have is hate. We must know how to hate; in that 
case we can conquer the universe.” 

And it is this Lounatcharsky who pretends to 
bring up the children in an atmosphere of love! 
But no one in Russia may tell the children of a 
God of love. It is forbidden. The Bolsheviks 
make the school children sing, “We have no need 
of a God.” 


118 Bolshevism's Terrible Record 
PERSECUTION OF THE PRIESTS 

From 1918 to 1920 twenty-six archbishops and 
bishops and 1,200 priests were massacred. 

Up till 1920 were massacred in the following 
circumstances: 

The Metropolite Vladimir at Kiev, leaving his 
room at Kievo Petcherskaya Lavra (Monastery). 
He was taken on to the ramparts and shot. 

The Archbishop of Perm, Andronick, was buried 
alive, after having his eyes put out, his cheeks cut 
off, and had been carried bleeding through the 
streets. 

The Archbishop of Tobolsk, Germogene, after 
two months’ penal servitude at the fortifications, 
was drowned in the river. 

The Archbishop of Tchemigoff, Basile, was 
hacked to pieces by blows from a sword. 

Bishop Platon de Youriew (Dorpat) was seized, 
undressed, and thrown into a basement with seven¬ 
teen other people; there he had his nose and his 
ears cut off, was belaboured with blows from a 
bayonet, and finally hacked to pieces. 

Bishop Nicodeme de Belgorod, after a series of 
horrible mockeries, was plunged into quicklime. 

Archbishop Tiabone de Voroneje, after the 
second entry of the Bolsheviks in December, 1919, 
was hung before the altar in the church of the 
Monastery of St. Mitrofane. Already at that epoch, 
in the single government of Voroneje, were counted 
160 priests who had been shot. 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 119 

In the government of Cherson, three priests were 
crucified. At the Convent of Mary Magdalene, 
Nikolsky, an old man of sixty, received the order, 
after the Sacred Liturgy, to open his mouth, and 
at the words “We give you the Communion ” they 
fired on him. 

The retired priest Zolotovsky, aged eighty, was 
dressed in a woman’s dress, and taken to a public 
place and ordered to dance. When he refused he 
was shot. 

The priest Kalinovsky died from the blows of a 
lash. 

The Archimandrite Omatsky was shot with his 
two sons. They asked him: “ ^^ich shall we shoot 
first, you or your sons?” The priest answered, 
“ My sons.” While they were being shot Ornatsky 
knelt and read the prayer for the dying. They 
set a platoon of soldiers of the Red Guard to shoot 
him, but they refused to fire. They called the 
Chinese, but these last, peasants, frightened by 
the sight of the old man praying on his knees, 
also refused, and a young Jew, a Commissary, 
approached the priest and killed him. 

The Archimandrite Klpovsky of the church of the 
Saviour at Moscow, who censured the Bolshevik 
crimes in his sermons, was seized in the temple 
itself, and, in spite of the continuation of Divine 
Service, was subjected to atrocious tortures and 
then shot. 

The priest Kotourov, during the evacuation of 
Tcherdin by the Bolsheviks, was completely un- 


120 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


dressed and sprinkled with cold water until he 
became a statue of ice. 

The Church, shuddering at all the horrors of the 
Cheka, wished to save the souls of the Christians, 
the soul of the Russian people. She could do so 
only by her example, so they burnt her sacred 
books, accused her of every crime, particularly of 
seducing the people. She was caricatured on the 
walls of the churches and public buildings, on 
palings, on the partitions of the railway car¬ 
riages, in the stations, in the schools. She did not 
make any material resistance, but she refused to 
yield morally. She obeyed God and not the 
Soviets. 

The Russian Orthodox Church, like the Protes¬ 
tant and Roman Catholic Churches, have shown 
under persecution all the purity of their great 
origin, that heroism which led the first Christians to 
their martyrdom in the Roman arena. We are 
assisting today in Russia at fhat wonderful resur¬ 
rection of the Christian faith, and if there is any¬ 
thing which inspires one to hope it is surely that. 

But what can one say of those who, after having 
killed the body, tried to kill the soul, would now 
kill this last hope? 

THE PATRIARCH TIHON 

The Patriarch Tihon branded the Cheka and its 
tortures, other priests followed his example; the 
result was arrests and martyrdom. But the Soviets 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 121 

did not dare touch the Patriarch. The unarmed 
guard of the parish surrounded him. They ordered 
a dissolution, and organized a feigned assassina¬ 
tion, A Chekist disguised as a woman struck 
Tihon. The crowd would have lynched the indi¬ 
vidual, but the instantaneous arrival of a detach¬ 
ment of cavalry saved him. 

Before the failure of this manoeuvre, the Soviets 
again brought forward the calumny of the famine, 
accusing the Church of refusing to succour the 
starving. The Patriarch Tihon replied by an in¬ 
junction. In the parishes the opposition by force 
against the pillage of the churches was quelled by 
the fire of the Red Guard, and, in a big trial at 
Moscow, the protesters received their sentence. 
Nine were condemned to death. The Patriarch 
declared they had carried out his wishes, that he 
alone was responsible. Notwithstanding this decla¬ 
ration, the death sentence was pronounced against 
these nine people. A young girl among the con¬ 
demned cried out: “ If any of my relations or 
friends are in this court, all I ask of them is to 
present no petition for mercy on my behalf. In 
Russia, dishonoured by tyrants and assassins, it is 
easier and happier to die for the faith than to live.” 

Thanks to a powerful intervention she was not 
executed, but the others died. The Soviets con¬ 
cealed their graves; they were discovered and 
decorated with flowers, and the people talked to 
each other of the death of the martyrs, their last 
prayers together, and their adieux. Taken in 


122 Bolshevism's Terrible Record 


lorries by night, they made the journey calmly, 
singing Easter psalms. 

Finally, the Soviets proceeded to arrest Patriarch 
Tihon. As he had the supreme guidance of the 
Church they wished to subject him to their will. 
Even today his exact fate is not known. Moscow 
pretends he has submitted. No. The Bolsheviks 
have behaved infamously in regard to him. 

A delegation of renegade priests summoned him 
to abdicate the spiritual power. In that case eleven 
priests condemned to death would be reprieved; 
if not, they would be executed. The Patriarch 
refused this abominable bargain, and told the 
renegades they could seize the Patriarchal chan¬ 
cery. The Soviets drew the erroneous conclusion 
that he had remitted his powers to the ‘‘ Supreme 
Ecclesiastical Direction,” the head of which, the 
priest Kranitsky, is a thorough rogue. 

The trial of the Metropolite Benjamin lasted for 
three sittings. What a martyr! Standing up in 
the lorry which took him to the court, he blessed 
the kneeling crowds, who sang psalms. He con¬ 
cluded his defence by these words: “I do not 
consider myself guilty of what you accuse me, as 
my attitude has always been correct towards the 
civil authorities. I have never interfered in their 
affairs. Whatever you do, I remain at peace with 
Jesus Christ. I have given my heart to the Rus¬ 
sian people, my soul to God. Do what you like 
with my body. However hard may be the judgment 
you pronounce against me, I shall only repeat the 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


123 


words of St. John Chrysostom, ^ God be praised 
for everything.’ ” 

He was executed with four other priests. 

Beside this splendid Church the Soviets have 
attempted to establish the free working Church, and 
the living Church, odious parodies directed by a 
few apostate priests to lead the people into error. 
But the people would not let themselves be deceived, 
they went into these churches with some curiosity; 
then a boundless contempt seized them. 

The Bolsheviks hate the Spirit of Christ. 

They pretend, however, that Communism is the 
application of Christian doctrine! 

Yes, but on one condition, that the spirit is there. 
The letter kills and the spirit gives life. But Lenin 
has used the letter for his odious personal ends, to 
satisfy his appetite for domination, but what has 
he done to the spirit? He plunged himself and 
plunged his people in the darkness of materialism. 
The spirit which gives life is totally absent from 
his work, and is why this work, based on the letter, 
kills. 

The Soviets are afraid of this trial. 

They feel that the impunity of their crimes has 
come to an end, that their acts will be exposed 
before your tribunal of free citizens, and that it 
is they who will be judged, and they who will be 
recognized as guilty, which is why, from the begin¬ 
ning, Chicherin attempted his loathsome blackmail. 

The legislator could not foresee in any code that 
a day would come when such a monstrosity as 


124 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


Bolshevism would exist, that a band of inter¬ 
national malefactors would succeed in seizing the 
Government of a great country and arbitrarily dis¬ 
pose of the lands, the liberty, the life, and the soul 
of its citizens. 

The facts oblige us to state that there remains in 
the inmost being of a Bolshevik leader nothing that 
one can call a human sentiment in the noble sense 
of the word. Kindness, gentleness, forgiveness, 
tenderness, mercy, pity, modesty, love of truth, 
affection, respect for things invisible, respect for 
morality, self-respect, respect of the man in others, 
all has disappeared. 

They have nothing which constitutes the human 
soul, there remains only pure bestiality, but a 
bestiality a hundred times worse than that of ani¬ 
mals, which is the work of instinct, because this 
bestiality is multiplied here by an appalling 
knowledge of evil, a satanic science, a satanic 
conscience. 

Ought these wild beasts to be allowed to defy 
justice any longer? 

Is it admissible that these monsters of cruelty 
should walk about our cities with impunity, when 
every day are arrested and locked up men ten 
thousand times less guilty than they are? 

One of the plainest signs of this diabolical lie, 
the striking proof that Bolshevism is not what it 
pretends to be—the friend of small nations, the 
protector of the weak, the friend of children, 
the defender of the humble—is the hate it shows 


Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 125 


towards Christ, who was and who is all this— 
Christ, the highest conscience of God which has 
ever existed in the breast of humanity; Christ, 
founder of the creed based on purity of heart, the 
brotherhood of man; Christ, founder of the rights 
of liberty of conscience. 

The masters of Moscow dread the Conscience of 
God in their inmost selves, the masters of Moscow 
sully the purity of the heart, since they destroy the 
moral sense even down to the children, the masters 
of Moscow mock the brotherhood of man; they 
who have based their power on hate, on suspicion, 
on treachery, on terror. The masters of Moscow 
have a supreme contempt for liberty of conscience 
and its rights, since they despise and forbid all 
liberty, reserving licence for themselves. That is 
why they take so much pains to dishonour Jesus 
Christ—they want to uproot His name from the 
world in order to shake it to its foundations. 

THE FALLACY OF NON-RESISTANCE 
OF EVIL 

The theory of the non-resistance of evil is a 
theory of dangerous Utopians, or simply an attitude 
of cowardice. It leads to injustice. 

Listen to Charlotte de Laval, the wife of Admiral 
Coligny, imploring her husband to march to the 
rescue of the persecuted Huguenots: The bodies 
of our brothers, flesh of our flesh, bone of our bone, 
are, some in dungeons, others in the fields at the 


126 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


mercy of the dogs and the ravens. Is the knight’s 
sword you bear to oppress the afflicted or to drag 
out the nails of the tyrants? Sir, I have on my 
heart so much of the blood of our people that 
blood cries to God that you will be the murderer of 
those whose murder you do not prevent.” 

FINAL ORATION 

In these solemn days, the whole world awaits 
your verdict. Some hope for a condemnation. 
They are, first of all, the men at Moscow, who have 
pretended by Chicherin’s threatening note to exact 
it from your tribunal. They thought it would show 
itself obedient, servile, and terrified, as the infa¬ 
mous tribunals they have set up in the interests not 
of a class, not even of a Party, but of their own 
tyranny. There are also all those who, in every 
country, watch for a favourable moment to seize 
the Government, in imitation of Lenin, and estab¬ 
lish a bloody dictatorship. 

The others are the noble hearts who suffer, and, 
in the first rank, the victims, the millions of vic¬ 
tims, slaves, who are every day throughout 
immense Russia exposed to prison, to death, and 
the still worse agony of obligatory spying. 

Elsewhere on the surface of the globe all the 
partisans of justice, men and women who love their 
country, men and women who thrill with indigna¬ 
tion when they hear that such a heavy darkness has 
been cast over that vast portion of the earth by the 


Bolshevism's Terrible Record 127 

men at Moscow, they are those who tremble with 
anguish before the future, which the abasement, 
the moral perversion of the whole Russian people 
is preparing, the degradation of its youth, the 
destruction of its soul, of all that makes the differ¬ 
ence between man and the beast. 

Yes, all those who shudder in sacred revolt when 
they hear the story of the illimitable sufferings of 
the Russian people, the story of the despair of 
fathers and mothers, of children, the infinite mar¬ 
tyrdom which is continuing there to this very hour. 

All those who have kept in their hearts the sacred 
spark of love, that the Bolsheviks have replaced by 
the infernal fire of hate. 

Recollect the heroic protest of our Minister, 
M. Edouard Odier: Guided exclusively from the 
humanitarian point of view,” he declared to the 
all-powerful Soviets, ‘‘ the representatives of the 
Diplomatic Corps wish to express in the name of 
their Governments their profound indignation for 
the regime of Terror established in Petrograd, 
Moscow, and other Russian towns, solely to gratify 
class hatred.” 

Your verdict will condemn the men at Moscow. 
It will save the honour of humanity, and for those 
who suffer there, so far away, those who in this 
hour you feel so near, it will be a word of hope, a 
gleam to show them that all right has not been 
extinguished, a message of sublime fellowship. At 
the moment when you are deliberating in this 
Court, henceforth historic, an invisible, numberless 


128 Bolshevism^s Terrible Record 


crowd presses silently forward. The dead of 
France, of Belgium, of England, of Italy, of Amer¬ 
ica, of Asia, of Africa, of Australia, all the Allies 
fallen on the fields of battle because of the Bolshe¬ 
vik treachery. 

Russians dead by millions, dead from starva¬ 
tion, especially children. Dead in agony. Men 
and women, old and young, doctors, nurses, bour¬ 
geois, peasants, workmen, priests put on the cross. 

And then you will feel near your conscience the 
anguished soul of the multitude who suffer there 
today. 

All, up to now, have raised towards heaven the 
cry—JUSTICE. 

No one has answered them yet. 

But you—you will answer them. 


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